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Cornell University Library 
E523.5 40th .F64 

History of the Fortieth ttStdzatfj regimen 


3 1924 030 909 752 

Cornell University 

The original of tiiis book is in 
tine Cornell University Library. 

There are no known copyright restrictions in 
the United States on the use of the text. 

-y^y^ ^ -T^^i^^^^ 














Stanhope Ipvess 


To MY Comrades who Sacrificed their Lives 


IS Affectionately Dedicated by 



I NEED offer no excuse for writing a history of the Mozart Regiment. 
Its deeds made its name famous throughout the country, hence I have not 
aimed to extol the regiment, but to relate facts and experiences that helped 
to make it famous, so they may live and not perish. I have written this 
volume to perpetuate the achievements of the Mozarters, and to recall to 
those who are living the grand memories that we cherish, — memories ahke 
of valor and comradeship ; sad memories mayhap of our many battlefields ; 
tender memories of our comrades who fell in the conflict; and grand 
memories of our great and final victory. 

I do not pretend to have written the full history of the regiment, in aU 
the minute details. No single individual can do that. I have endeavored 
to be accurate and to correct the many errors of statement in the official 
reports as they have been published. It seems to me unjust that our 
deceased comrades should rest under the imputation that they were desert- 
ers or were shirking when reported as "missing in action," or that there is 
"no further record." It is well known by all of us that, in many instances, 
the reason they were missing or that more is not known of them, was 
because they were captured or killed in battle. So also a false impression 
is conveyed by the frequent statement that our comrades were "reduced 
to the ranks." In the absence of any reason for such action, it is the 
natural inference that they were reduced for insubordination or disobedi- 
ence, or for some disgraceful behavior, when, in fact, very often, the com- 
rade was a prisoner of war, or wounded in hospital, and hence was not vol- 
untarily absent. In hundreds of instances, our comrades recovered from 
wounds or returned from prison, and joined their regiments to find they 
were no longer sergeants or corporals. It is undoubtedly true that, when 
the Government offered a furlough of thirty days to all who re-enlisted, 
some accepted because it afforded them an easy opportunity for desertion. 
It is also doubtless true that many had no idea of deserting until after they 
had had a taste of freedom from discipline and a more palatable bill of 
fare. It was the terrible privations, rather than any fear of personal harm 
or lack of courage, that caused men to hesitate and dread to resume the 
life of a soldier in the field. Not so, however, with those named in the 
Roster as not having reported for duty, or as having no other record than 
that of enhstment. In nearly all of these instances, they enlisted to obtain 
the bounty and deserted while en route to the field, and in all such cases I 
have not hesitated to tell the truth regarding their perfidy. On the other 
hand, I have sought to credit my comrades with faithful service when it is 
deserved. I may have committed errors myself, but it has been my chief 
object to present reliable statements, free from presumption or conjecture. 
If I have succeeded in accomplishing this design, it has been considerably 



due to the assistance of comrades with whom I conferred upon the matters 
involved, and I hereby place on record my acknowledgment of indebted- 
ness to Col. Riley, Capt. Johnson, Capt. Warner, Lieut. Welch, Commissary 
Sergeant Sylvester, Sergeant Bums, Wilbur F. Lewis, Samuel A. Ksh, 
Francis Quinn, Daniel C. Fletcher, Edwin A. Frost, Wilham J. Wilkinson, 
Thomas Donohue, Charles T. Guild, and G. Marshall Greene. Without the 
aid of these comrades, I could not so thoroughly have completed the task 
that has occupied every spare minute of my time during the past two 
years. I feel deeply grateful to them and I shall always hold them in 
loved remembrance. I desire also to return my sincere thanks to Mr. 
T. J. Robinson, Town Clerk of Arlington, and to Mr. James A. Bailey, Jr., 
one of the Selectmen of Arlington, for many favors received from them. 

I am fully conscious, my comrades, that much more might have been 
said abdut the regiment that lives so vividly in our hearts, but I beg to 
inform any one of you who vainly consults this volume to find an account 
of some event he thinks ought to be mentioned, that I have failed to speak 
of it because it was either unJmown to me or had passed from my memory. 
Had I been informed or reminded of any circimistance that interested a 
comrade, an account of it would have been inserted with pleasure, and I 
only regret that it was not my privilege to be made aware of interesting 
items that are not contained in the volume. 




The Atjthob Frontispiece. 

Bennett, William H Facing page 256 

Bebgeb, William H do. . . . 267 

Blackstook, David E do 225 

Btjbns, Hugh W do 174 

Bttbrell, Alfhed a do. . . . 190 

Bteelt, Oliveb do 232 

Cannon, Madison M .'.--. . . do 39 

CoLLOTEN, Petes J do. . . . 274 

DoNOHtTE, Thomas do. . . . 252 

Dtjegin, Hobace D do. . . . 174 

Eabl, Mobtimeb C do. . . . 163 

Egan, Thomas W do 33 

Faibbanks, Nahtjm B. do 259 

Fish, Samuel A do 241 

Fletcheb, Daniel C do. . . . 225 

I'letcheb, Emmons F do. ... 84 

Flotd, Feed C do ... . 126 

Gee, Theodoee H do. . . . 2S9 

Gildeb, William H do. ... 54 

GouoHEB, Alfeed do. . . . 252 

Gould, Feancis do 128 

Gbaves, CHAEiiBS H do. ... 46 

Gbbbne, G. Maeshall do. . . . 179 

Guild, Chaeles T do 207 

Hammond, Winfield S do. . . . 232 

Hanna, John do 246 

Habbinqton, Geobge E do. . . . 207 

Hates, Willlam H do 220 

HooES, Annie Etheeidge do 276 

Ingalls, Albeet S do. . . . 63 

Johnson, Feancis A do. . . . 116 

Johnson, William H. H do 149 

Jost, Robebt do. . . . 274 

LiNDSBY, P. Allen. do. . . . 78 

Locke, John do. . . . 135 


O'SuLLivAN, William do. . . . 108 

Pabkhuest, Geoege O do. . . . 267 

Pike, B. Fbank do. ... 200 



QuiNN, Francis Facing page 

Rider, Thomas S <*° 

RiLET, Edward J <^°- • ■ • 

ScAMMELL, William H ^- • ■ • 

Snellqhove, Henrt <i°- • • • 

Sno-w, Edwin E do. . . . 

Stlvester, Austin T do. . . . 

TJnoer, John '^°- • • • 

Warner, Willlam H do. . . , 

Welch, Benjamin C ^°- • • • 

Welsh, Willlam do 256 

Westcott, James P. L do. . . . 99 

White, Robert T do 220 

Wilkinson, William J do 228 

Wood, Silas P do 212 



After the Battle of Williamsburg 147 

Autograph Pass by Gen. Sedgwick (facsimile) 95 

Badge. (Grand Army of the Republic) 275 

Badge. (Massachusetts Mozart Association) 269 

Badge. (Sons of Veterans) 275 

Badge. (Woman's Relief Corps) 275 

Beecher Telegram (facsimile) 11 

Endorsement of Judge Parmenter (facsimile) 12 

Fragment of Rebel Shell 171 

Holly Leaf from a Virginia Bush in 1861 88 

Leaving Winter Quarters at Falmouth 216 

Letter from Gov. Andrew (facsimile) 12 

Map of 'Vrirginia 276 

Memorial Hall, Arlington, Mass 270 

Memorial Hall, Milford, Mass 270 

Mozart Charge at Gettysburg 202 

Mozart Monument at Gettysburg 268 

Mozart Theatre Programme Ill 

The Girl Who Waited 7 

The Mother Who Consented 7 

Testament that went through the War (facsimile) 16 

Town Hall in Arlington, Mass 13 

Mozarters Building Corduroy Roads 138 

Soldiers' Memorial, New York City 268 

Soldiers ' Memorial, Philadelphia, Pa 274 

Soldiers' Monument, Arlington, Mass 272 

Soldiers' Monument, Lawrence, Mass 272 

Soldiers' Monument, Newburyport, Mass 269 



Pbepaeinq fob War 1 

The Attack on Fort Sumter. — ^Why I Enlisted. — ^A Noted Date. — Public 
Meeting in Arlington. — Election of OflScers. — Capt. Ingalls Disappointed. 
— Governor Advises Disbandment. — No Vacancies for Unattaclied Com- 
panies. — ^A Note from Grov. Andrew. — Public Meeting in Town Hall. — 
Departure for Brooklyn. — Good-Byes and Tears. — Portrait and Sketch of 
Col. Riley. 


The Struggle fob Service 20 

A Sleepless Night. — ^Arrival in New York. — ^The Milford and Newburyport 
Companies. — How they Originated. — ^The Brooklyn Phalanx a Myth. — 
The Return to Boston. — Ordered to Fort Warren.— -Captains Confer with 
Gov. Andrew. — OflBcers Return to New York. — Origin of the Song, " John 
Brown's Body." — Oflacers Return from New York. — Another Start for 
New York. — Written Permission from Gov. Andrew. — ^Arrival in Yonkers. 
— We Join the Mozart Regiment. — ^Portrait and Sketch of Col. Egan. 


Exciting Expeeiences ; 34 

A Few Desertions. — Capt. Westcott Obtains Recruits. — ^Also, » Full Com- 
pany from Lawrence. — Muster in of the Arlington Company. — Organiza- 
tion of the Regiment. — Election of Field and Staff OjEcers. — List of Line 
OfiScers. — Portrait and Sketch of Col. Cannon. 


Under Marching Orders 40 

Our First Encampment. — Visit to Sing Sing Prison. — My First Experience 
as Corporal. — Eulogy of the Massachusetts Companies by Col. Riley. — 
Our Enfield Rifles Go Astray. — Mozart Banners Reflect Honor Upon Three 
Great States. — Many Visitors to Camp Wood. — Our First Dress Parade. — 
Mayor Wood and Family Present. — Mrs. A. T. Stewart Presents Testa- 
ments. — First Religious Service. — ^Portrait and Sketch of Col. Graves. 


En Route for the Front 48 

Our First Regimental Drill. — Presentation of Colors. — ^Three Cheers for the 
Flag. — Presentation to Col. Riley. — We Receive Marching Orders. — Sing- 
ing of the "Star Spangled Banner." — ^An Impressive Scene. — Breaking 
Camp and Striking Tents. — First Three Years' Regiment to Leave the 
State. — ^To Washington in Freight Cars. — ^Arrival in Baltimore. — Muskets 
Loaded and Bayonets Fixed. — Portrait and Sketch of Chaplain Gilder. 




On Dtttt in Vibginia 65 

ArriTal in Waahington. — ^Encamped near Meridian Hill. — ^Excellent Ground 
for Drilling. — ^A Thrilling Incident. — Explosion of an Artillery Caisson. — 
A New Experience. — Enforcement of Discipline. — ^A Severe Punishment. 
— Ordered to Alexandria. — Camp McDowell near Shuter's Hill. — ^The Bat- 
tle of BuU Run. — Guarding the Railroad. — Guard Duty in Alexandria. — 
Martial Law Proclaimed. — ^Portrait and Sketch of Major Ingalls. 

Aptee Bttij. Run 64 

Reorganization of the Army. — First Mozarter Killed for "Running Guard." 
— ^The Long Roll at Midnight. — Minstrelsy with a Tin Tambourine. — ^The 
Elephant Columbus. — First United States Uniforms. — Our First Brigade 
Formation. — ^A Quartette of Famous Colonels. — Our First Picket Duty. — 
Work in the Trenches. — Gen. McdeUan Compliments the Mozarters. — 
The Feathered Population Suffers. — Composite Stew for Breakfast. — ^Por- 
trait and Sketch of Col. Lindsey. 

Learning the Abt op Wak 79 

Death of Sergt. Wills on Picket. — Disloyal Newspapers Suppressed. — ^Pres- 
bjrterian Church Closed. — A Troublesome Tooth and a Fiendish Apothe- 
cary. — Regimental Guard Duty. — Sunday Morning Inspection. — Grand 
Review by Gen. McCleUan. — First Arrival of the Paymaster. — Huge Camp 
Fires to Promote Health. — Preparations to Resist a Midnight Attack. — 
Capture of Rebel Officers by Union Pickets. — New Encampment on Frogal 
HiU. — Portrait and Sketch of Major Fletcher. 



Camp Sackett. — Drilling Raw Recruits. — ^Private Quackenbush and the 
Awkward Squad. — ^Ladies at Sunday Services. — ^Imported Rifles Prom- 
ised to Mozarters. — Practice Drill with Blank Cartridges. — ^An Effort to 
Transfer the Massachusetts Mep to a Massachusetts Regiment. — Col. Eiley 
Visits Gen. McCleUan. — Alleged Insubordination. — Massachusetts Soldiers 
Imprisoned in the Slave Pens. — Brigade Drills by Gen. Sedgwick. — ^First 
Review of the Division. — Serenade to Gen. Heintzelman. — First Death in • 
the Regimental Hospital. — Building Corduroy Roads. — ^A Noted Drum 
Corps. — ^The Skirmish Drill. — Portraits and Sketch of Capt. Westcott. 

Reviews and Inspections 


Grand Review by President Lincoln. — ^Thanksgiving Day in Camp. Our 

Regimental Sutler. — An Avaricious Robber. — ^A Cute Retaliation. ^A 

View of Rebel Encampments. — ^A Sham Battle. — Wounded with a Blank 
Cartridge. — Promotions from the Ranks. — Dismissal of Incompetent Offi- 
cers. — ^An Exciting Episode. — Drummed out of the Regiment. — Soldier 
Shot for Attempted Desertion.— Portrait and Sketch of Capt. O 'Sullivan. 



The Mozaet Theathe 109 

Capt. Ingalls Originates a Novel Scheme. — Erection of a Log Theatre. — 
First Used for Religious Services. — Dramatic Performances by Profes- 
sional Players. — Minstrelsy by Milford and Arlington Amateiirs. — Recon- 
struction of Tents with Logs and Mud. — Introduction of Small Sheet Iron 
Stoves. — Contrabands Furnish Amusement. — ^The Fever for Furloughs. — 
Patrick and his Dying Wife. — ^Picket Duty in Mid-winter. — ^A Call upon 
Widow Triplett. — Three Days on the Picket Line. — Portraits and Sketch 
of Capt. Johnson. 

Disappointed Mozarteks 117 

First Death in the Arlington Company. — A Scouting Expedition. — ^Within 
Sight of Rebel Encampments. — Gov. Morgan Interferes with Promotions. — 
Col. Riley Powerless to Circumvent him. — Resignation of Lieut. Ballou. — 
An Inexperienced Stripling from New York. — He Holds a Conunissiou from 
Gov. Morgan. — Lieut. Gould a Victim of Unjust Discrimination. — ^Mozart 
Regiment a Stepping-stone to Military Preferment. — Vacancies Filled by 
Civilians. — ^War Department Finally Orders Promotions from the Ranks. 
— Many Efficient Officers thus Secured. — Portrait and Sketch of Capt. 



Ladies at Camp Sackett. — Celebration of Washington's Birthday. — A Jubilee 
of Song in the Theatre. — Drilling in the Bayonet Exercise. — Promotion of 
Gen. Sedgwick. — Succeeded by Gen. Bimey. — A Wandering Knight of the 
Camera. — Facsimile of his Artistic Pictures. — ^Austrian Rifles in Ex- 
change for Muskets. — ^Target Practice with Improved Arms. — Remarkable 
Accuracy in Hitting the Target. — Preparations for Breaking Camp. — Delay 
in Embarking. — Pickets Withdrawn, but Outposts Maintained. — Portrait 
and Sketch of Lieut. Gould. 


We Find the Enemt 131 

Departure from Camp Sackett. — Mozarters on the Steamer "William Kent." 
— A Scene of Bustle and Activity. — Seasick Soldiers Feed Fishes in Chesa- 
peake Bay. — ^A View of the Famous " Monitor." — We Debark in a Violent 
Rain Storm. — Huge Camp Fires Lighted. — First Experience with Shelter 
Tents. — An Unnecessary Hardship. — A Midnight Adventure in our Dog- 
kennel Tent. — Advance up the Peninsula. — Rebel Vandalism. — Foraging 
for Rabbits and Wild Hogs. — The Army Separated from its Rations. — 
The Onward March to Yorktown. — ^Portrait and Sketch of Lieut. Locke. 


A Month in the Tbenches 136 

Mozarters Arrive at Yorktown. — Hungry and Tired and Nothing to Eat. — 
Foraging for Chickens and Hogs. — Choice Sirloins without Salt. — ^A Search 
Beyond the Lines for Food. — A Bonanza Discovered. — Coarse Salt and 
Indian Com in Abundance. — ^The Luxury of Porterhouse Steak and 
Hulled Com. — First Bombardment by Rebel Shells. — Sharpshooters 


Bother the Rebels. — ^Attack upon Our Pickets. — ^We are Ordered to the 
Front. — Narrow Escape from a Sharpshooter's Bullets. — ^A Berdan Expert 
Boon Sends the Daring Rebel to Eternity. — ^The Picket Line at Yorktown. 
— ^A Night Attack. — Gen. Kearny Assigned to our Division. — ^Mozarters 
First to Enter Rebel Works. — Explosion of a Buried Bomb. — A Forced 
March in a Heavy Rain Storm. — Hastening to Battle at Double Quick. — 
We were Needed at Williamsburg and we Arrived in Time. — Portrait and 
Sketch of Lieut. Scammell. 

Battle op Williamsbubo 145 

An Impatient Soldier. — Mozarters Go Into Action. — Gen. Kearny Leads us 
to the Firing Line. — Death of Private Greenlaw. — Three Hours of Terrible 
Fighting. — Darkness Ends the Conflict. — ^A Dreary Night without Food, 
Fires or Water. — Retreat of the Enemy. — A Walk over the Battlefield. — 
"We Una and You Uns." — Mozarters highly Commended. — Col. Riley's 
Report of the Battle. — He Insists upon Honorable Mention for the Whole 
Regiment. — Portrait and Sketch of Lieut. Johnson. 

Battle op Faib Oaks 150 

Plodding up the Peninsula. — The Sutler's Paradise. — ^Promotion of Capt. 
Ingalls to Major. — Col. Riley Injured by His Horse. — ^He Continues on 
Duty. — Capture of a Rebel Staff Officer. — ^An Attack at Mid-day. — ^Mo- 
zarters Rush Into Line. — The Regiment Ordered Forward. — Col. Riley 
Hora de Combat. — He is Severely Injured. — Every Member of the Color 
Guard Killed or Wounded. — Lieut. Col. Egan Assumes Command. — Bayo- 
net Charge Puts the Rebels to Flight. — Gen. McCleUan Praises the Mozart- 
ers. — ^The Value of Disciplined Troops. — Bimey's Brigade Sustained the 
Shock. — Rebel Army Retreats. — Portrait and Sketch of Lieut. Welch. 


A Remabkable Fatality 1 5g 

Analjrsis of our Color Guard Fatality. — No Other Color Guard Sustained Sim- 
ilar Casualties During the War.— Corp. Breslin Wounded. — Goes Home to 
Arlington on Furlough. — ^An Enthusiastic Reception. — Cause of the Effec- 
tive Musketry Fire. — Inspection of the Battlefield. — Rescuing the 
Wounded. — Origin of the Corps Badge. — Gen. Kearny Orders us to 
Wear a Red Diamond. — Portrait and Sketch of Lieut. Earl. 

A Needless Sacrifice 

An Unfortvmate Episode. — On Guard at the Outpost. — Lieut. Gould Ordered 

to Reconnoiter Beyond the Lines. — Two Arlington Volunteers Killed. 

Lieut. Gould Presented with a New Sword by his Command. — The Battle 
of Oak Grove. — An Infantry Engagement to Advance Pickets. — First of 
the Seven Days' Battles. — Rebels Attack at Mechanics ville. — Our Army 
Repulsed there and at Gaines' Mills. — Retreat to James River. — Mozarters 

Fight by Day and March by Night. — Major Ingalls Fatally Wounded. 

Portrait and Sketch of Lieut. Rider. 




Glendale and Malvekn Hill 170 

A Victory at Glendale. — ^Terrific Cannonade at Malvern Hill. — Seventh Day of 
Fighting. — A Treasured Souvenir of the Engagement. — Generals Compli- 
ment the Mozarters. — ^En Route to Harrison's Landing. — By Steamer to 
Annapolis Hospital. — A Skirmish at Turkey Bend. — Brigade Casualties 
During the Retreat. — Mozart Regiment Sustains Greatest Loss. — Praise 
by Gen. Birney. — Proclamation by Gen. McClellan. — Gen. Kearny's Com- 

End op the Peninsula Campaign 175 

Visit of President Lincoln to Harrison's Landing. — Alarming Report of the 
Medical Director. — Advises that Troops be Sheltered from Sun and Rain. 
— Gen. McCleUau Ordered to Withdraw his Army. — ^Arrival at Alexandria. 
— ^Another Battle at Bull Run. — ^A Bloody Contest at Chantilly. — Death of 
Gen. Kearny. — Gen. Bimey Assumes Command of the Division. — Mozart- 
ers Sustain Greatest Loss. — ^Lieut. Gould Wounded. 

Along the Monocact 180 

Third Corps Ordered to the Defense of Washington. — Encampment near 
Fort Lyon. — Eighty-seventh New York ConsoUdated with the Mozarters. — 
Gen. McClellan Resumes Command. — Battles of South Mountain and An- 
tietam. — ^Third Corps Defends Maryland. — A Skirmish at Conrad's Ferry. 
— Official Report of Col. Egan. — Gen. McCleUan again Relieved. — His 
Farewell Address. — Gen. Bumside Succeeds Gen. McClellan. 

At Feedebicksbukg 183 

Capt. O 'Sullivan Killed. — Mozart Regiment agsun Sustains Greatest Loss. — 
Bumside's "Mud March." — Winter Quarters at Falmouth. — Gen. Bum- 
side Resigns. — At the Hospital in Annapolis. — Major Ingalls Receives his 
Commission. — A Visit to his Bedside. — Unfavorable Symptoms. — Unex- 
pected Death of the Major. — A Trip to Washington. — ^My Duties as MiUtary 
Storekeeper. — Arrival of Paroled Prisoners. — Their Pitiable Condition. 

Battle of Chancellorsville 191 

Gen. Hooker Reorganizes the Army. — Gen. Sickles Assigned to Third Corps. 
— ^At ChanceUorsviUe. — Gen. Jackson Mortally Wounded. — Mozarters Ad- 
vance Beyond the Line of Battle. — ^A Desperate Fight by Moonlight. — 
Repulse of the Army and Withdrawal Across the River. — New Mozarters. 
— ^Thirty-seventh and Thirty-eighth Regiments Transferred to the For- 
tieth. — Gen. Lee Starts for Pennsylvania. — The Union Army Follows him 
to Gettysburg. — Resignation of Gen. Hooker. — Gen. Meade Succeeds him. 

Battle of Getttsbubo 201 

Mozarters Proceed to the Front. — In the Devil's Den. — Attacked by Gen. 
Longstreet. — A Terrific Encoimter. — We Fight at the Peach Orchard, the 
Wheat Field, and the Valley of Death. — Mozarters Charge and Save a Bat- 
tery. — Pickett's Charge the Next Day. — Mozarters at the Firing Line. — 
Losses Greater than any Other Regiment in the Brigade. — Retreat of the 
Rebel Army. — ^Thousands of their Dead Left Unburied. — Gen. Meade 
Orders Pursuit. — ^Escape of Gen. Lee. 



Bbistob and Mine Run Campaigns • • • • 208 

Gen. Lee again Assumes the Offensive. — Skirmishes at Auburn and Catlett's 
Station. — ^We Retire to CentreviUe. — Gen. Lee Abandons his Attempt. — 
Gen. Sickles Returns to the Army on Crutches. — ^We Cross the Rappahan- 
nock. — Gen. Lee Again Retreats Across the Rapidan. — A. Brisk Skirmish 
at Kelly's Ford. — The Mine Run Disaster. — ^We Encounter the Enemy at 
Locust Grove. — ^The Campaign Abandoned. — Union Army Occupies its 
Former Camps. — ^A Winter Picnic. — Re-enlistment of the Mozarters. — 
Receive a Furlough and go to New York. — Grand Ovation in the Metropo- 
lis. — We Return to the Front with Many Recruits. 


Gen. Grant Assumes Command 213 

He Adopts a Plan of Action. — Reorganizes the Army. — Consolidation to 
Three Corps. — ^Third Corps Ceases to Exist. — But the Diamond Badge is 
Retained. — ^An Attack of Small Pox. — Chaplain Gilder Contracts the Dis- 
ease and Dies. — Resolutions Passed by the Officers. — The Father of a 
Brilliant Family. — ^Account of His Death. 


The Wh-debness and Spott8Ti.vania 215 

Address of Gen. Meade to the Army. — ^Across the Rapidan. — Another Forced 
March. — ^Three Hours of Reckless Attack and Desperate Resistance. — 
Bivojiac Among the Dead and Wounded. — ^The Battie Renewed. — Rebels 
Forced Back. — Gen. Longstreet Wounded. — ^Again Asleep with the^ Dead 
and Dying. — Retreat of Gen. Lee. — Gen. Grant Resumes his March South- 
ward. — Rebels Overtaken at Spottsylvania. — A Sudden Attack. — Across 
the River Po. — Death of Gen. Sedgwick. — Assault upon Laurel HUl. — ^A 
Famous Telegram. — ^Advance in the Darkness of Morning. — ^A Hand-to- 
Hand Encounter. — ^The Rebels Overcome. 


North Anna and Coi.d Harbor 221 

Another Start Southward. — The Enemy Overtaken. — ^Mozarters Cross the 
River. — Gen. Grant Chooses Another Route. — ^The Enemy Again Flees. — 
Overtaken at Cold Harbor. — ^Two Hours of Terrific Fighting. — Along the 
Chickahominy. — More Impregnable Entrenchments. — From the Chicka- 
hominy to the James. — Value of the Flanking Movement. — ^In Front of 
Petersburg. — Col. Egan Wounded. — Lieut. Schuter Killed. — Mozartera 
Join in the Final Assault. 

SiEOE OP Petbrsbubq 226 

At the Jerusalem Plank Road. — ^An Attack on the Weldon Railroad. — 
Arlington Mozarters Complete their Term of Enlistment. — Statistics of 
the Arlington Company. 

Deep Bottom and the Mine 229 

Return of Gen. De Trobriaud. — ^A Movement Against Richmond. — ^Mozart- 
ers at Strawberry Plains. — ^The Mine Fiasco. — Seventy-fourth Regiment 
Transferred to the Fortietlj. — ^Another Feint at Deep Bottom. — Mozarters 
Capture Rebel Artillery. 



Popi/AB Spking Csdbch 233 

Mozarters in " Fort Hell." — Night Attack near " Fort Danmation." — Weeks 
of Dangerous Activity. — Another Flank Attack. — ^The Boydton Plank 
Road. — Movement Against the Southside Railroad. — ^Attack upon the 
Second Corps. — Gen. Egan and his Troops Highly Complimented. 


Raid to Hicesfobd and Hatcheb's Rttn 237 

Retirement of Gen. Hancock. — Farewell Address. — Destruction of the Wel- 
don Railroad. — Two Months of Winter Quiet. — ^A Fierce Engagement. — : 
The Rebels Defeated. — ^Frequent Skirmishes. — Gen. Mott Wounded. 

Battles abound Petersbubg 242 

Gen. Lee Assumes the Offensive. — Gen. Grant Tightens his Grasp. — Rebel 
Assault upon Fort Steadman. — A Counter Attack by Gen. Meade. — Cap- 
ture of an Alabama Regiment. — ^Another Flanking Movement. — Union 
Army Abandons its Encampments. — Four Days of Ceaseless Fighting. — ^A 
Great Victory. 

End op the Rebeluon 247 

At Sailor's Creek. — Cannonade against Petersburg. — Flight of Gen. Lee. — 
Mozarters in Numerous Encounters. — Gen. De Trobriand Gives Them 
Great Praise. — Surrender of Gen. Ewell and his Corps. — Pursuit of Gen. 
Lee. — Overtaken near Farmville. — ^The Rebel Army Surrounded. — Sur- 
render of Gen. Lee. — Half Famished Rebels Share our Rations. — "Johnnie 
Goes Marching Home." — ^Through Richmond to Washington. — Grand 
Review in the National Capital. — ^Mustered Out and Disbanded. 

Bull Rum to Appomattox 253 

Battles and Casualties. — ^How We Escaped Antietam. — Good Service at Con- 
rad's Ferry. — Fate of the "Missing in Action." — ^Are they Among the 
Unknown Dead? — ^Tabulated Losses in Each Engagement. — Recapitula- 
tion of Caaualties. 


Promotions 257 

Why Enlisted Men Failed to Advance in Rank. — Civilians Appointed 
Through Political Favoritism. — Gen. De Trobriand and Gen. Egan Vic- 
tims of the Unjust System. — Only a Few Mozarters Honored. — Severe 
Comments by (}en, De Trobriand. 

MozABT Chronicles 260 

Incidents and Episodes of Army Life. — ^Native Wit of Sergt. Durgin. — ^The 
" Rebellion Crushers."— Gen. McClellan Salutes the "Poor Old Soldier."— 
John Hanna's Blanket. — ^A Mulish Musket. — Who Stole the Major's Pud- 
ding? — The Adjutant's Pig. — Comrade King an^ his Captors. — Drummer 
Lewis and the Forty Thieves. 


Happenings since the Wab.. 


In New York. — ^The Mozart Veteran Association. — ^Picture of the Badge. — 

Annual Reunions. — ^The Soldiers' Monument. — Dedication of the Mozart 

Monument at Gettysburg. — Oration, Poem and Addresses. — Picture of the 

In Newburyport. — The Massachusetts Mozart Association. — ^Picture of the 

Badge. — First Reunion. — Banquet and Promenade Concert. — Speeches 

and Music. — Unique Soldiers' Monument. 
In Milford. — ^A Noted Reunion. — ^Parade and Public Exercises. — Speeches 

by Col. Riley, Capt. Westcott, and Others. — ^Exciu^on to Providence and 

Clam Bake. — ^A Magnificent Memorial Building. 
In Arlington. — Picture of Memorial Hall. — Dedication of the Soldiers' Mon- 

mnent. — Oration, Parade and Banquet. — The Mozarters Extolled. — ^Poem 

by Trowbridge. — Picttu-e of the Monument. 
In Lawrence. — Reunion on the Merrimao River. — Shore Dinner at Laurel 

Park. — Summer Recreations. — Picture of the Soldiers' Monument. 
In Philadelphia. — The Pennsylvania Mozart Association. — ^Its Principles 

and Membership. — ^Presentation of a Consecrated Flag. 

Chamtable and Patbiotic Societies 275 

Grand Army of the RepubUc. — ^Principles and Motto. — The Badge and what 
it Signifies. — ^The Woman's Relief Corps, and its Objects. — ^Picture of the 
Badge. — ^The Sons of Veterans. — What they Aim to Achieve. — Fac- 
8imile of the Badge. 



The Regimental Membership. — Original Muster Rolls. — ^Also Names of those 
Transferred and the Recruits. — What Each Man Was and What he Did. — 



I TRACE these first lines of my story of the Mozart Regiment exactly 
forty-five years after my enlistment at the beginning of the great 
struggle for the preservation of the Union. I am writing on the 19th 
day of April, 1906, and it was on that date, in 1861, that, for the first time 
in my life, I visited the quiet town of West Cambridge (now called ArUng- 
ton) and there affixed my name to enrollment papers that pledged me to 
engage in the defense of the nation. 

Smarting with indignation at the attack upon Fort Sumter, in Charles- 
ton Harbor, by the impetuous hotheads of South Carolina, I was walking 
on Sudbury Street in Boston, when I was accosted by a fellow townsman 
and classmate from Maine, named William H. Libbey, who informed me 
that he had enlisted in West Cambridge (Arlington) and invited me to go 
there with him. In the existing state of my mind at the time, I needed 
no urging to accept his invitation and I immediately assented to the prop- 

Arriving in the town, which I shall hereafter speak of as Arlington, we 
visited the Town Hall, where I was introduced to Capt. Albert S. Ingalls, 
who had been authorized by the Selectmen of the town to recruit a military 
company for service in the United States Volunteer Army. He had at 
that time enrolled about fifty volunteers, and he asserted that he expected 
the company would be fully recruited in a week, and that it would immedi- 
ately be assigned to some re^ment and start at once for the seat of war. 
With such a prospect of immediate service, I did not hesitate to fix my 
name to the enrollment paper, which read as follows: — 

State of j^ssactiusetts. 
We whose names are hereto affixed, do severally consent, and by our signa- 
tures hereunto made, do agree to be enrolled into a Company of Volunteer 
Militia to be raised in the Town of West Cambridge (Arlington) and vicinity, 
subject to the orders of the Commander-in-Chief. And in consideration of arms 
and equipments to be furnished lis by the Commonwealth, we do hereby agree 
to serve for the period of three months unless sooner discharged, agreeably to 
law. And this enlistment we enter into with the full understanding that we are 
liable at any moment to be ordered into active service under the Government of 
the United States. 

With the exception of my friend Libbey there was no member of the 
company I had previously met. All were strangers, but that made no 
difference to me. I was determined to become a soldier, and the prospect 



of immediate service was the most alluring consideration that entered my 

The attack upon Fort Sumter occurred on Friday, April 12th, and the 
fort was surrendered on the following day, after a vigorous artillery resist- 
ance with a small force numbering less than one hundred soldiers. On the 
following Monday, April 15th, President Lincoln issued a proclamation 
calling for 75,000 volunteers for three months' service. The first to 
respond to the call was the Sixth Massachusetts Regiment, which was 
attacked by a mob while passing through Baltimore, on April 19th. Two 
of our soldiers were killed, and it was while contemplating this cowardly 
assault and the shedding of Northern blood, that I was accosted by my 
schoolmate. So it occurred upon this noted day in the annals of both the 
Revolutionary and Civil Wars, that I decided to engage in the national 
defense. It was on the 19th day of April, 1775, that, within the limits of 
Arlington, which was then called Monotomy, and which was a part of the 
City of Cambridge, the British soldiery, while marching to Concord to 
destroy the military supplies that had been stored there by the Revolution- 
ary patriots who fired "the shot heard round the world," were attacked by 
the sturdy minutemen of the town, of whom nine were killed. But not 
vainly, however, for on that day, within the limits of Arlington, more than 
two hundred British soldiers were slain. Here was shed the first blood of 
the Revolutionary War, and it was the blood of Massachusetts men. So, 
also, on the 19th day of April, 1861, the first blood of our Civil War was 
shed in the streets of Baltimore, and likewise, it flowed from the veins of 
the men of Massachusetts. It is most strange that in both of our wars for 
national hfe the first blood shed by the enemies of our country should 
occur on the same day of the year, and be drawn from the sons of Massa- 
chusetts. It seems to have been decreed by the Almighty Ruler that in 
1861, as in 1775, Massachusetts should sacrifice the first victims upon the 
altar of Constitutional Liberty. It was with the sharp report of Massachu- 
setts musketry, at the dawn of April 19, 1775, that the "embattled farm- 
ers" of Arhngton began the war for independence. And those who were 
attacked and killed in Baltimore at the dawn of April 19, 1861, were the 
lineal representatives and sturdy sons of the patriots who, eighty-six ye&TS 
before, had fought and shed their blood upon the streets of Arlington. It 
was in the sacred cause of liberty and human rights that our ancestors at 
Arlington struggled, and it was in the same cause that the soldiers of Massa- 
chusetts contended in Baltimore, where, to preserve our liberties and rights 
our flag was baptized anew with the heroic blood of Massachusetts martyrs' 
The day is rightly called "Patriots' Day" in Massachusetts, and it is rightly 
set apart and observed as a legal holiday. It was to this spot, hallowed by 
the blood of Revolutionary heroes, that I was introduced by my friend 
Libbey, and it is not to be wondered that I was inspired and fascinated by 
the associations that hovered over the scene. It was here that I began my 
service m the cause of my stricken country, and remembering where this 
Company originated, and the events that gave Arlington distinction and 
renown, it is not difficult to account for the bravery displayed and the mili- 
tary record achieved by the volunteers who marched forth from Arlington 
in 1861 to the battlefield under command of Capt. Ingalls. 


On Sunday evening, April 21, 1861, the citizens of Arlington assembled 
in the Town Hall to take action regarding the conditions which confronted 
the loyal people of the United States. 

Hon. William E. Parmenter presided and submitted the following 
resolutions, which were unanimously adopted: — 

Resolved, First. That we, the citizens of West Cambridge (Arlington), in obedi- 
ence to the sacred duty we owe to our country, do pledge ourselves to uphold with all 
the means which God has given us) the Federal Union, the Constitution, the Laws, and 
the lawfully constituted Authorities of the Nation. 

Second. That with pride and gratitude we applaud the exalted patriotism of those 
young men of our town, who have been the first among us to enlist as a Military Corps, 
with the intention of joining their brave companions in arms from this Commonwealth 
who have already gone to the Post of Duty. 

Third. That we request the Selectmen of this Town to call, at the earliest date, 
a Legal Town Meeting, for the purpose of appropriating the sum of Ten Thousand 
Dollars to be expended in aid of the families of those soldiers from this town who shall 
be absent and in service. 

Fourth. That a guaranty fund to the amount of Five Thousand Dollars be sub- 
scribed by those present against the scarcely possible contingency that the town shall 
not make the appropriation recommended. 

Fifth. That the Selectmen be requested that the proceedings of this meeting be 
recorded with the Town Records and that the Town Clerk be requested to obtain a 
complete roll of the Military Company now enlisting in this town, as soon as it is 
organized, and to transcribe the names of its members upon the Town Records, and to 
record also, the names of others of our fellow citizens who now are or who may here- 
after be in service. 

It was also voted that the sum of $5000 be raised for a guaranty fund, 
and the following named gentlemen immediately subscribed $1000 each : — 
Addison Gage, Nathan Robbins, John Schouler, Samuel F. Woodbridge, 
and George C. Russell. 

The meeting was eloquently addressed by the president, John Osborn, 
Hon. John Schouler, Albert S. Ingalls, Nathan Robbins, N. M. Fessenden, 
Charles 0. Boutelle, Addison Gage, and Rev. George Hill. 

In accordance with the above resolve a legal town meeting was called and 
held on the evening of April 29th and the sum of $10,000 was appropriated 
for the support of the families of volunteers during their term of service. 
It was also voted to pay each married volimteer twelve dollars per month 
for three months after enhstment, and to each unmarried man, six dollars 
per month. 

The generous action of the town in thus providing for the company 
enthused the members, who were proud to find that they were so highly 
honored by the citizens of Arlington. There were constant accessions to 
the company, and no day passed without additional enlistments. Capt. 
Ingalls was very particular who was enrolled, for he desired his men to be 
respectable and of good character. He selected those who were robust and 
seemingly healthy, and he refused to enroll some on account of physical 
disqualifications. At this time we had no arms, but we had constant drills 
in marching and company evolutions, and we soon became quite proficient 
in that branch of military movements. We marched up and down the 
principal streets with the citizens of the town gathered upon the sidewalks 
to witness our maneuvers, and they cheered us as we passed or when we 
executed some difi5cult movement. At times, when we halted for a brief 


rest, ice water was brought to us from neighboring residences, and sometimes 
lemonade was specially prepared for us, and requests were sent to Gapt. 
Ingalls in advance, for him to halt in front of certain houses for refresh- 
ments. In some instances, also, I remember that the very best article of 
domestic currant or blackberry wine was brought forth in bottles and tapped 
and poured by the fair matrons and daughters of Arlington. 

And so the days passed, and the Company increased until but few 
vacancies existed in the ranks. In the early days of May a noted firm of 
Boston tailors measured each recruit who had been accepted as a member 
of the Company for the uniform that had been adopted and which consisted 
of the regular gray mihtia suit then worn by the Massachusetts troops. 
Each garment, including the cap, was made of the same material, and the 
coat was cut with long skirts, frock style, and the breast thickly padded in 
the manner of the ancient Continental coat. 

On Saturday, May 4th, at a meeting of the Company in the Town Hall, 
it was voted that the Company should be called "The Union Guards." It 
was also voted by eighty members of the Company to enlist for three years. 
On the previous day, Friday, President Lincoln had issued a second call 
for volunteers, but to serve three years. Our enlistment was for three 
months, therefore it became necessary to ascertain the sentiments of the men. 
They were told the facts and that any who wished could withdraw, but with 
one exception, aU voted to re-enlist for the term of three years. For reasons 
satisfactory to my friend Libbey, he declined to re-enlist, and retired from 
the Company, leaving me among those who only a few days previous were 
entire strangers to me. Although I had enlisted in the Company because 
he was a member of it and with the idea that it would be pleasant to have 
his companionship, I did not think his retirement was sufficient cause for 
me to sever my connection with the Company. I had, in the few days of 
my service, made the acquaintance of several with whom I seemed to 
affiliate, and having commanded some attention by reason of the proficiency 
I had acquired in executing the manual of arms, I was selected to instruct 
some of the late recruits. In explanation of the withdrawal of Libbey it 
may be said that it was probably on account of his sweetheart, to whom he 
was married shortly after he retired from the Company, but not until after 
we had started for the Seat of War. Later he again enlisted and I met him 
during the Peninsula Campaign, to which I shall again refer. 

Prof. Salignac of Boston, a noted drillmaster, was secured by Capt. 
Ingalls to drill the Company at almost the earUest stage of its existence, 
and later, Sergt. J. W. Ambler, formerly of the British Army, was engaged, 
with the approval of the Board of Selectmen, to teach the sword exercise 
to the officers of the Company. He also assisted in teaching company 
movements, and was a very able instructor, having seen service in the 
Crimean and Indian Wars, and having been incapacitated for further service 
by the severe wounds he had received in battle. 

Our uniforms were delivered in early May, and they were certainly 
becoming, and we now only needed muskets to present the true miUtary 
appearance. Wearing the new uniforms, we went to Boston on the after- 
noon of May 9th, to receive our arms and equipments. We marched up 
State Street at about two o'clock, and throngs of people greeted us with 


hearty cheers as we inarched along with the military precision for which 
we had become so famous in Arlington. We soon reached the State House, 
and from the Quartermaster General received our arms, which consisted of 
the old fashioned smooth-bore muskets which were designed to carry a round 
bullet and three buck shot. These antiquated guns were the only arms 
available at that time, but they were adapted for drilling, and we needed 
them badly for that purpose. We returned to Arlington with our precious 
weapons, which we were proud to possess and which became objects of our 
deepest solicitude. 

Drilling in the manual of arms began in the Town Hall that evening, and 
many amusing incidents occurred in learning to use the heavy and clumsy 
weapons. I had never handled a musket before, my experience with arms 
having been confined to a fowling piece that I owned and used for hunting, 
in my boyhood days. Capt. Ingalls was a good drillmaster and was 
especially accomplished in teaching and exemplifjring the manual of arms. 
He gave us almost constant practice, and in a remarkably short time the 
musket drill was acquired. 

We were at that time using the Scott tactics, in which the musket at 
"shoulder arms" was carried with the butt in the left hand and resting 
agaiast the hip. There were four men of the Company, Horace Durgin, 
James Cole, John Hanna, and myself, who became so expert in the manual 
of arms that Capt. Ingalls continually called upon us to give exhibitions of 
our skill in presence of the crowds of citizens who nightly assembled in the 
Town Hall to witness the drilling. We felt rather proud ourselves of the 
exempUfication we were able to ^ve, and I well remember what exact 
uniformity our motions assumed, and with what applause we were greeted 
by the spectators when the butts of our four muskets at the command 
"order arms" reached the floor as if there was but a single musket. The 
ladies seemed to enjoy our performance and there were always many of them 
present every evening to witness the company drill, which always terminated 
by request with a demonstration by the " Four Musketeers," as our quartette 
came to be known and called. The order to "stack arms" was so quickly 
executed as to produce an encore and before our audience was satisfied, we 
several times repeated the performance and always with the same unfailing 
accuracy and speed. 

On Sunday, May 5th, the Company attended the Unitarian Church, wear- 
ing our new uniforms, and listening attentively to a sermon upon "The Duty 
of the Hour." The officiating clergyman delivered a very patriotic address 
upon the subject that occupied the public mind at that time. He predicted 
that the nation would emerge triumphant from the exigency into which it 
had been plimged, to begin a new existence of greater power and vitality. 
"A new era will dawn," he said, "when the rights of the people have been 
vindicated and our grand free institutions have been preserved. The 
sublime uprising of the Northern people surely indicates the final doom of 
human slavery and the reconstruction of the Republic upon the principles 
pronoimced in the Declaration of Independence, with which the Southern 
slave holders were never in sympathy." 

On the evening of May 7th a meeting of the volunteers held in the 
Town Hall to organize the Company by an election of officers, it being the 


custom then, as it is now, for the Massachusetts Militia to select its officers 
by ballot. At that date also, militia companies were allowed four lieuten- 
ants, instead of two as now prevails in Massachusetts and in the United 
States Army. In conformity with our militia laws, we proceeded to elect 
four lieutenants, after first unanimously electing Capt. Ingalls to command 
the company. After his election Capt. Ingalls made a speech, thanking the 
men for their confidence and faith in him, and promising that he would guard 
their rights and interests both as men and as soldiers. He outlined what he 
hoped to accomplish, and with much feeling alluded to the dangers we must 
soon encounter and said that some would never return. Ah! little did Capt. 
Ingalls, with all his acumen and wisdom, conceive what the war was to be 
or that he would be among the very first to fall in battle. The remaining 
officers elected were, First Lieutenant, James W. Kenney ; Second Lieutenant, 
Ira Keyes; Third Lieutenant, John Locke; Fourth Lieutenant, Francis 
Gould. It had been the express wish of Capt. Ingalls that George O. BaUou 
should be elected first lieutenant, but upon this subject the men did not 
seem to be in accord with their commander. Comrade Kenney was bom 
in Arlington, and he had served in the militia, and therefore had acquired 
sufficient military knowledge to instruct others. He had drilled squads of 
the men when the company was not drilling, and he had come to be regarded 
not only as an efficient officer but as very genial and companionable, and 
that he was appreciated was manifested when he was elected to the second 
in command. The other officers elected were older men than the average of 
the members, and that may partially account for the preferences they 
expressed. All of the officers elected, except Lieut. Kenney, had passed 
the age of thirty, and Lieut. Keyes was nearly forty years old at that time. 
He had no military knowledge or experience, but like Ideut. Locke and 
Lieut. Gould, he was a man of excellent habits and of an exceedingly kind 
disposition which seemed to attach him to those who had chosen him to be 
one of their leaders. 

When the choice of lieutenants was announced, Capt. Ingalls gave voice 
to his disappointment and displayed some feeling because his choice for 
first lieutenant had not been elected to either of the offices. He declared 
that he considered Comrade Ballou to be more competent than any other man 
in the company for lieutenant, and he then and there appointed him to 
be the Orderly Sergeant of the company. Subsequent events, when we had 
become a part of the Grand Army in the field, did not seem to vindicate the 
preference of Capt. Ingalls. 

During these da3rs of military activity, I had corresponded with my 
parents in Maine regarding the step I had taken, and while at first my father 
urged me to return home and enter upon the collegiate course for which I 
had prepared, he finally, when he became convinced of my determination 
to remain a soldier, realized the dreadful necessity of defending the Republic, 
and withdrew his opposition. I copy from a letter he wrote me at that time 
the following: — 

Love for the flag is a oommon sentiment and the present danger strengthens the 
emotion m my own heart. You have come honestly by your patriotism Your 
ancestors followed and upheld the flag during the War of the Revolution It is a 







question of stem duty and I fear the contest will not be brief. We cannot turn away 
from a danger that must be encountered, and so I am resigned to see you start for the 
war, although I may never see you again. 

And my father never looked upon my face again, for he died of pneu- 
monia in a few brief months after my departure. With my mother, there 
seemed a reluctance to consent that her first bom should immediately go to 
the front, and she advised a delay. For this I was prepared, as no mother 
was ever willing to ofier a beloved son for sacrifice, and my mother certainly 
regarded my attitude and my enhstment as a mere preUminary to the 
fatality that she anticipated I would encounter in battle. But at last I 
persuaded her that my services were needed and she finally consented and 
imparted her blessing. There still remained another for me to reconcile — 
she to whom I was pledged in marriage. Upon the earliest date of my 
enlistment, I had written to her upon the subject, and attempted to con- 
vince her that the war would be ended in a few months and that I should 
return after an experience that would prove beneficial. I did not succeed 
in obtaining her consent until the last days of May, and not until she had 
visited ArUngton and saw my enthusiasm, which seemed to convince her 
that it was her duty to relinquish her personal preferences. She had talked 
with Capt. IngaUs, who quieted her fears and overcame her objections. 

She went to her home and during the months and years of my absence she 
suffered and endured the anxiety, and suspense, and dread, as bravely as any 
soldier in the field. And who shall decide who did the bravest fighting — 
the soldiers or the women who remained at home — the mothers and 
sisters and aimts — and, above all, the wives and sweethearts who waited 
and watched and wore their hearts out in fear and longing for the loved ones 
whose return they might never behold. They did the bravest fighting and 
it was the loyal women who encouraged and sustained us — who toiled and 
sacrificed — who administered relief and consolation to those who were 
imperiling their lives to preserve the grand institutions upon which our 
Republic is founded. They had stout hearts and were constant allies in 
the terrible struggle. Yes, they were brave — those fighting women who 
gave up their beloved ones for the nation's defense, and thus won for them- 
selves eternal honor and the imdying gratitude of patriots throughout the 

We had now so far progressed in acquiring the science of mihtary maneu- 
vering in the "School of the Company" by day on the public streets, and in 
the "School of the Soldier" by night in the Town Hall, that it became our 
almost daily practice to visit the neighboring towns and there exchange 
courtesies with other companies of soldiers, who like ourselves were pre- 
paring for war. Free transportation had been tendered to us on any of the 
trains to and from ArUngton, and also on the Belmont trains, and we often 
took advantage of the privilege to visit Wobum, Waltham, Watertown, 
Concord, Lexington and other contiguous or adjacent towns. Marching 
to and from Behnont through Pleasant Street, which was then as beautiful 
as at the present time, was a favorite tramp. It reUeved the monotony 
and gave a variety to our then anxious existence, for now that we were 
ready to start for the seat of war, we had no assurance of the time we could go. 

As early as May 14th, it had been announced that Gov. Andrew had 


decided not to allow the formation of any more volunteer companies, and it 
was explained that intelligence had been received from Washington that 
only three more infantry regiments would be accepted from Massachusetts 
in addition to those wMch had already gone forward. In consequence of 
this information, there almost instantly began a sharp rivalry among the 
captains of companies throughout the State, which were ready and wait- 
ing for orders to move forward to the seat of war. There were at the least 
calculation twenty thousand men at that time under arms, and nearly all 
of them were uniformed and ready to march. More than two himdred 
companies were already organized when President Lincoln issued his first 
call early in May for volunteers to serve three years. The allotment to 
Massachusetts was four regiments of infantry, but this was later increased 
to six regiments, and of these the mihtia regiments not in the field were to 
be given the preference. The First Regiment, C!ol. Cowdin, was selected to 
go in the first quota of three years' troops, but it did not go forward imme- 
diately. Instead, it was sent into camp at Fresh Pond, where it remained 
until late in June. On the 5th of June an order came from Washington to 
hurry forward the six regiments, but they were not fully equipped, and 
tiresome delays occurred before they were dispatched to Washington. 

The unattached companies were now in a position that had not been 
anticipated. Gov. Andrew was besieged for assignment to some regiment 
by every Captain commanding a company of volunteers. The men had 
enlisted for only three months, but now that no more three months' regi- 
ments were to be accepted, they were anxious to respond to the call for a 
three years' enlistment, but Gov. Andrew could not accept them. He 
could proceed no faster than the Secretary of War permitted. The Gover- 
nor maintained that he was not authorized to muster these volunteers, 
although they had been armed and furnished with knapsacks, canteens and 
other equipments, and he could not give the officers who appealed to him 
any encouragement that their services would ever be required. The men 
were receiving no compensation while they were marching, and drilling, 
and preparing for the field, but they nobly continued on, hoping for another 
requisition from Washington. The days and weeks passed but no orders 
came, and the contingency of disbandment stared at the officials who daily 
called at the State House, only to learn that no favorable tidings had been 
received from Washington. 

At this time, when the prospect of obtaining service ofifered no encour- 
agement, a meeting was called at the Hancock House in Boston, for a con- 
ference by several of the captains who had formed companies in Middlesex 
County. Eight of these captains were present, among whom was Captain 
Ingalls of Arlington. The situation was thoroughly discussed and all 
shared the opinion that their companies must be disbanded unless inmiedi- 
ate service was promised. The uncertainty of any assurance of active 
service in the near future was disheartening, but it was finally decided to 
form a regiment and persuade the Governor to order it into camp. A com- 
mittee was accordingly appointed to call upon Gov. Andrew and obtain his 
permission to form the proposed regiment. The muster rolls were sub- 
mitted to His Excellency, who said he would examine them and order an 
election of officers. This was about the middle of May, and although the 


prominent men of Arlington and the other towns interested in the project 
appealed to the Governor, he was not encouraged from Washington to pro- 
ceed with the formation of other regiments, and consequently the embryo 
Middlesex Regiment did not materiaUze. Even the pet Twelfth Regiment, 
organized by Col. Fletcher Webster, son of Daniel Webster, under the 
most favorable auspices, and who was authorized to recruit the men, could 
obtain no knowledge of the time his regiment would be accepted and mus- 
tered into the service of the United States. The enlisted men everywhere 
began to grow impatient and discontented, and some of the Arlington men 
began to tire of the uncertainty that prevailed, and two members of the 
Company withdrew even as early as the middle of May. 

An event occurred on the evening of May 22d that inspirited the men 
and restored their weakened zeal. It consisted of a presentation to Capt. 
Ingalls in the Town Hall. Capt. Ingalls was a member of the Shakespeare 
Reading Club, which was an organization devoted to the discussion of 
Shakespearean interpretations, and in anticipation of his early departure 
for active miUtary service, his fellow-members of the club had purchased a 
handsome and valuable sword and belt for him as a token of their respect 
and good wishes for his military success. The Town Hall was crowded 
upon the occasion, and the company was paraded with arms, as usual upon 
all gala occasions. When the hour arrived for the ceremony, Capt. Ingalls 
was called to the platform, where Mrs. Henry Whittemore awaited him, and 
she at once began the deUvery of a very patriotic presentation speech. 
When she had ended a storm of applause denoted the effect of her reaUy 
inspiring words. Capt. Ingalls accepted the gift with an agitated heart 
and a voice that trembled with the emotion he could not conceal. After 
obtaining command of his mental powers, he expressed his thanks to the 
lady, the club and to the citizens of Arlington for their kindness and gener- 
osity, and he predicted, in a most eloquent manner, that the company 
they were sending forward to defend their interests would make a record of 
which they would have reason to feel proud. 

After he had finished, and the applause had subsided, the company 
gave an exhibition in the Manual of Arms, after which the "Four Muske- 
teers" were called upon for a display of their skill, which elicited intense 
manifestations of approval by the audience. Col. Salignac, the French 
drillmaster, then took command of the company, which, under his direction, 
gave a splendid illustration of the French Zouave bayonet exercise, which 
had never before been attempted by the company in public. It was a 
revelation to those who witnessed the exhibition, and to the Selectmen and 
other dignitaries who were present it was a great surprise, for they had 
not supposed that such proficiency could be acquired in such a brief time. 
The meeting adjourned by singing "The Star Spangled Banner," and every- 
body went home in a happy frame of mind, including the dejected members 
of the company. 

While we were learning all of these various branches of military tactics 
from our principal instructors, Col. Salignac and Sergt. Ambler, Capt. 
Ingalls was endeavoring to persuade Gov. Andrew to send us to the seat 
of war. No promise could be obtained of any future assignment and the 
prospect was certainly very discouraging. It now appeared to Capt. 


Ingalls and the town officials who understood the situation, that disband- 
ment was the only alternative. There were frequent consultations with, 
the Selectmen, to whom Capt. Ingalls expressed his opinion that disband- 
ment was the inevitable destiny of the company unless Gov. Andrew could 
be prevailed upon to muster the men into the mihtia service in antici- 
pation of another call for troops by President Lincoln. The town officials 
and others, including Judge Parmenter, who had been prominent in organ- 
izing and equipping the company, visited the Governor, separately and 
together, and pleaded with him to save the company from disruption. 
But they met with no success, for the reason, as he said, that he had no 
legal authority to increase the militia force of the state, which was vir- 
tually what they were asking him to do. 

The last dajrs of May had now arrived, and the problem was becoming 
more aggravated every day, and it was apparent that it would be impossible 
to hold the men together much longer imless there should be some pros- 
pect of service. Many of the men had now been in training for six weeks, 
and during that time they were receiving no income or remuneration. 
They had hoped for and had expected immediate service, and that the 
meager compensation paid by the government, which then was only eleven 
dollars per month, would begin. They were, many of them, without funds, 
and their discontent began to be outspoken, resulting in the resignation of 
several members. 

But just at this time, when disaffection and alienation threatened to 
destroy the company, and as if the event had been ordained by Divine 
direction, an announcement came from New York that changed the situa- 
tion completely, and gave hope to our wearied military existence. Our 
dilemma had in some manner become known in Brooklyn, where a son of 
Henry Ward Beecher was interested in forming a regiment that was called 
"The Brooklyn Phalanx." The following correspondence will disclose 
what saved the company from disruption and made it possible for the 
Arlington Union Guards to obtain the service for which it had so long 
labored to prepare, and gave it the life that enabled it to achieve the dis- 
tinction and renown that pervade its military record in the Army of the 
Potomac. All unexpected, on Thursday, May 30th, the following telegraph 
dispatch was received at the State House : 

To Governor Andrew: New York, Mav 30, 1861. 

If the Wobum (meaning Arlington), Milford and Newburyport Companies are 
willing and can be here by Saturday morning, they can be received and will go into 
active service immediately. Ans. immediately. 

Signed, H. B. BEECHER, 


Gov. Andrew immediately ordered the captains of the companies in the 
towns named to be notified, and Mr. Albert G. Browne, Jr., one of the 
secretaries attached to the Governor's office, sent the following note in 
pencil to Judge William E. Parmenter, who forwarded it to Mr. Nehemiah 
M. Fessenden, of Arlington, who was one of the leading citizens of the 

Your West Cambridge Company can if it desires, have the chance tomorrow to 
start m company with two other companies, i.e. the Newburyport and another, and 


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join the Brooklyn New York Re^ment. Please let the Governor hear from you on the 
subject this p.m. at the State House. 

Or if you return within three quarters of an hour, you will fiud the Governor in a 
private room at Parker's. 

The following is the endorsement by Judge Parmenter on the reverse 
side of the paper, which was a half-note sheet, and the messages were 
written in pencil. 
N. M. Fessenden, Esq., 

Please follow this up without delay. I cannot attend to it. 

Signed, W. E. P. 

No time was lost in conveying this important intelligence to Capt. 
Ingalls, who at once pronomiced it a godsend. The members of the com- 
pany were informed that they might expect to depart on the following 
day, and to make all necessary preparations. 

A public meeting was held the same evening in the Town Hall, at which 
were present the Selectmen, Judge Parmenter, Mr. Addison Gage, Mr. 
Fessenden and other representative men who had liberally contributed to 
finance the company. Many ladies and gentlemen who represented the 
culture and refinement of Arlington were also present. They had heard 
the glad tidings and had gone to the hall to join in the jubilee of rejoicing 
that pervaded the town. Capt. Ingalls announced that he had an appoint- 
ment with Gov. Andrew on the following morning, when he hoped to obtain 
permission to proceed to Brooklyn and to arrange for the necessary trans- 
portation. He announced that the company would assemble the next day 
in the Town Hall, at the ringing of the church bells, and report ready for 
instant departure. A fever of excitement pervaded the assembly, and 
other gentlemen spoke, voicing public sentiment by saying that it seemed 
best for the company to join the New York contingent, rather than dis- 
band and waste the labor and expense of educating and equipping the 
company. To organize, equip and maintain the company had cost, up to 
that time, nearly ten thousand dollars, additional to the amount that had 
been appropriated to provide for the families and others who were depend- 
ent upon those who had enlisted. It was deemed expedient to seize the 
opportunity that offered to obtain immediate service, and to this idea there 
was no dissenting voice. All of the speakers were reconciled to the move- 
ment and the meeting adjourned with three cheers for the Selectmen and 
three more for the Town of Arlington. 

Promptly at two o'clock on the following day the chm-ch bells of 
Arlington pealed forth the glad intelligence that at last the Union Guards 
were to start for the Seat of War. At once, throngs of people began to 
gather in the public street fronting the Town Hall, and the soldiers, like- 
wise, to assemble in the building where so many hours had been spent in 
preparing for the event that was now transpiring. 

To many of the volunteers who were about to sacrifice their homes and 
comfort, if not later their health or their fives, the edifice had become sacred, 
and it was ever to remain, in their estimation, as the embodiment of hal- 
lowed association where every thought and pxu-pose of their whole being 
had been devoted to the single object of defending the Grand Repubfic 
that had been handed down to them for perpetuation. That Town Hall 
stands to-day the same as when nearly half a century ago there went forth 


from its walls that company of soldiers true to the promptings of their own 
hearts and to the mighty example of the "Minute Men" of 1775 who, in 
these same streets of Arlington, began the War of the Revolution. The 
Volunteers of 1861 hurried forth from that Temple of Patriotism, the Town 
Hall, to fight in defense of what the founders of the nation had bequeathed 
to their keeping. At the call of their country, the Fathers of the Republic 
and the Defenders of the Republic answered the summons to fight for 
freedom. In neither instance had the soldiers of Arlington to be coaxed or 
driven to the war, or to be purchased. Arlington was a part of the old 
battlegroimd of the Revolution, and therefore it was not surprising that 
the patriotic spirit of the people of Arlington was not exceeded by that of 
any other people in any other town of the same size in Massachusetts. At 
the sound of the first gun fired at Fort Sumter, the people of Arlington 
were thoroughly aroused, and they determined to perform their duty in 
maintaining the honor of the flag and the integrity of the nation. Their 
action resulted in the speedy formation of this company of resolute and 
courageous young men, among whom were representatives of the best 
families in the town, which proved that the inspiration of duty to country 
had made the people of Arlington as grandly heroic as those they were 
sending to fight on the bloodiest battlefields within the history of man- 
kind. In doing this, and in continuing the work during the four years of 
rebellion, Arlington connected its name with the brightest pages of the 
history of the Civil War, and all through the terrific struggle the blood of 
this people was aflame and stirred to an unusual degree. The popular 
enthusiasm pervaded all classes of citizens, and the wave of indignation 
that swept through Massachusetts did not recede in Arlington until the last 
vestige of open treason had disappeared from the land and every traitor 
had been subjugated. 

With this digression, I will resume the sequence of my story. In con- 
sequence of the delay and uncertainty, the company had now dwindled to 
■about eighty members, but that number was considerably larger than the 
minimum requirement, and in less than two hours from the time the bells 
began to chant their cheerful notification, all had reported except four or 
■five men, although the members were scattered throughout the town, even 
as far as Belmont, which was formerly a part of Arlington and which 
assisted in forming the company and gave several of its sons to the sacred 
cause. Considering that there were no street cars in those days to facili- 
tate the movements of hurrying humanity, the muster of the company in 
so short a time was quite remarkable. 

Our departure was attended with a grand demonstration and perfect 
furore of excitement. The people turned out en masse to tender us a parting 
ovation, and cheer us on our patriotic mission. Capt. IngaUs formed the 
Company in line, but there was no time for farewell speeches by the assembled 
town oflicials and prominent citizens, and the Captain merely announced 
that we were to proceed to New York by rail, and that as the Company must 
be in Boston not later than six o'clock, there remained hardly more than an 
hour for the final parting. Judge Parmenter stated that the supply com- 
mittee had some articles to hand the men before their departure, and sug- 
gested that line be formed on the street in front of the hall where the waiting 


multitude outside could grasp hands with their friends and say good-bye. 
Acting upon this suggestion, the company marched to the street, where 
the order was given to "Open Ranks." When this order had been obeyed, 
with two ranks facing inward and the men at " Order Arms," the committee 
of ladies passed through between the ranks, handing to each soldier a "Com- 
fort Bag" containing all the necessary articles for mending and repairing 
clothing, such as thread, needles, buttons, pins, scissors, thimble, etc. These 
ladies and their associates had, during the weeks of our military apprentice- 
ship, been actively at work in preparing what they knew would contribute 
to our necessities in camp, when the hand of woman would not be available 
to mend and repair the clothing, worn and torn in the performance of a sol- 
dier's duty. These noble-hearted women of Arlington met together day 
after day, and when we were ready to take the field, they were ready, not only 
with comfort bags, but they made havelocks and handkerchiefs and knit 
stockings for us. They also supplied each one of us with two flannel shirts. 
All of these articles had been previously given to us and were now snugly 
packed in our knapsacks, except the havelocks, which were upon our caps 
in the position they were worn. These havelocks were made of stout linen 
cloth, bleached white for the purpose of reflecting the rays of the sun. 
They fitted and covered the cap, to which they were fastened with buttons. 
A cape ten inches wide of the same material extended downward to protect 
the neck and around the cap from temple to temple. The havelock was 
invented by Gen. Havelock of the British Army, and during the Sepoy 
rebellion in India they were worn by his troops, and it was found that 
death from simstroke rarely occurred when the havelock was habitually worn. 
But during our Civil War the havelock was a failure because it was unneces- 
sary, and while it shaded the neck, it prevented a circulation of the air, 
thus intensifying the heat and augmenting the discomfort of marching. 
We retained our havelocks for only a brief time, and I do not remember 
that they were worn after our arrival in Washington. 

Compactly rolled and strapped upon our knapsacks were carried the 
gray woolen blankets which had been expressly manufactured for us by 
order of the Town Committee, with the large, black letters " W. C. " woven in 
the center. Such was our outfit, which was complete excepting overcoats, 
which could not be furnished by the State as the supply had been exhausted 
in equipping the three months' troops who were then in service. The 
committee endeavored to furnish overcoats, but they could not be purchased 
and they could not be manufactured in the time available. Long before 
overcoats were needed, however, we received them from the New York 
Defense Committee, and they were much superior in material and workman- 
ship to those which were subsequently supplied by the national government. 
As showing also, the extent to which liberality for the Arlington Committee 
was manifested, it may be said that a revolver was purchased for each 
member of the Company. But at the last moment these revolvers were 
withheld in consequence of careless handling and serious accidents by 
soldiers on duty in Washington and elsewhere. Reports of these accidents 
appeared in the newspapers and government officials advised that soldiers 
should not be equipped with revolvers on account of their dangerous 


Having received our comfort bags from the ladies, whose names I would 
gladly publish if I remembered them, it remained for Judge Parmenter 
and another gentleman whose name I have forgotten, to pass between the 
lines and hand to each man a neat copy of the New Testament. They were 
tiny little volumes, gilt-edged, and bound in leather. I was much gratified 
by this final token, which all my comrades seemed to appreciate. I carried 
mine, containing a picture of my sweetheart, and my name and regiment 
written therein, while I remained in the service, finding a safe place for it in 
the pocket of my woolen shirt opposite my heart. This httle voliune that 
I carried so long in that receptacle through all the hardships I encountered, 
is now before me and a fuU size picture of the treasured rehc appears 
on the next page. 

This cherished family souvenir bears the imprint 1860, and measures 
four inches in length, two and one half inches in width and half an inch in 
thickness. The outside is considerably worn, and perspiration, combined 
with the rain that often saturated my clothing, partially destroyed the cover, 
as can be observed from the illustration. The interior is stained, but not 
enough to injiu-e the letterpress. I prize this httle voliune, which was my 
bosom companion amid the scenes and dangers I shall speak of later, and 
which served on two occasions to aid Chaplain Gilder in his Sabbath minis- 
trations, once at Camp Scott in Washington and again at Camp Sackett in 
Alexandria. We were now ready to embark. A special train had been 
ordered to convey us to Boston, and it awaited us at the railroad station 
near by. A few minutes were devoted to leave-takings. There were many 
hand-shakings, some tears, and a few kisses. Not many among us were 
married and the sweethearts of not a few were far away. 

After the Testaments had been distributed, the company was ordered 
" into line " and by special request a few minutes were devoted to an exempli- 
fication of the Manual of Arms, which eUcited vociferous cheers from the 
populace that completely filled the street and adjacent sidewalks. The 
march to the train was the next proceeding, but a vast crowd of people had 
assembled there and it was decided to make a detour and thus entice them 
away. We marched up the street and then back into Pleasant Street, past 
the magnificent residence of Mr. Addison Gage, which was the pride of the 
town. Returning, we went down Mmu Street, and as we passed along there 
was an unbroken line of spectators everywhere, and in front of the houses, 
the fair daughters of Arlington were waving flags and handkerchiefs, and 
men and women and children were saluting us with loud hurrahs. It was 
not the strains of music that attracted these people and caused their wild 
demonstrations, for no band accompanied us, not even a soUtary drum. 
It was the patriotic inspiration of the occasion that drew the people from their 
homes and business vocations, to witness our departure and join m the 
pubhc farewell. It was said that we presented an impressive and warlike 
appearance. The march was a complete ovation and it had served its 
intended purpose, for the crowd had left the station to follow us and we 
approached the train with ease and entered the cars. There were more 
good-byes, and more tears, and then we began our journey. We were leaving 
a people whose patriotism and generosity were not exceeded and probably 
not equalled by any other community in the State of the same size. The 



town of Arlington then contained a population hardly exceeding two 
thousand persons. They were more than determined and more than pa- 
triotic, for after expending thousands of dollars for our education and equip- 
ment, they sacrificed their pride by permitting us to enter upon our duties 
under auspices not at first contemplated. It is doubtful if Arlington would 
have so willingly contributed for our organization and equipment had it 
then been known or conjectured that we should not serve in a Massachusetts 
Regiment, and so it was all the more creditable to them for ratifying the 
solution of the problem that finally confronted the company. 

It may have been thought by some at the time that it was a mistake to 
enroll under the flag of New York, and there was consi4erable surprise 
expressed that Gov. Andrew should sanction the departure of such well- 
dritled>troops to join a regiment in another state. When it is remembered, 
however, that disbandment was the inevitable fate of these soldiers if they 
remained in Massachusetts, and that they were needed in New York, it 
cannot be denied that Gov. Andrew performed a wise act in allowing the 
transfer, and besides, no opposing sentiment prevailed to any great extent. 
We had enlisted to fight, and we did not care where. The people of Arling- 
ton saw us depart, satisfied with what they had done. For so small a town 
the number of soldiers they had equipped and sent forth was large. They 
seemed to have grasped the true magnitude of the crisis and to have esti- 
mated the character of the impending conflict. In fact, the Government 
failed to realize the magnitude of the struggle, and all through the war it 
was behind the promptings of the people, and our pubUc men and those 
occupying the highest official positions, and who possessed the best means 
of information upon which to base accurate opinions, were entirely mis- 
taken in their estimate of the conffict and its duration. 

We are stiU hastening on to Boston, through the extensive gardens of 
Arlington, which then supplied, as they now supply, the most exacting 
market in the world with vegetables of the highest cultivation it is possible 
to produce. While speeding on, we were busy with our thoughts of those 
we had left behind, and of what there might be in store for us -in the future. 
Our arrival in Boston was immarked by any demonstration, and we 
at once proceeded to the American House, where supper was immediately 
served, after which we marched to the Boston & Albany Railroad Station, 
which was then located on Beach Street. Our train was to be a "special" 
which was scheduled to leave Boston at six o'clock, and to run on its own 
time. This meant that all other trains, both local and express, were to 
have the right of way. When we were informed of the arrangement, we 
knew at once that our train would be slow, and that we should have an all- 
night ride. We were half an hour in advance of train time, and as the cars 
were not available for occupancy, we remained chatting together or with 
citizens who had approached us for particulars regarding our destination. 
A large concourse of people had assembled in the depot and outside in the 
street, which was quite complimentary considering that we had marched 
without music. Our uniforms, however, were showy, and served to attract 
attention. We were soon on board of the cars, and while we were speed- 
ing away to our destination, I will introduce our captain in the uniform 
he then wore, which was similar in every respect to those worn by the 
company. See portrait following Chapter VI. 


Edwakd Johns Rilet. 

Col. Edward J. Riley was bom in 1831, in New York City, his parents 
having removed there from Morrisville, Pa., in 1825, and settled in the Old 
Quaker Ward, "The Seventh," in East Broadway, where they resided 
many years. He received a fairly good education in private schools, but at 
an early age he engaged in mercantile business, in which he remained until 
the breaking out of the Civil War. He early experienced a great love for 
military life, and in the year 1849, he became a member of the 6th Regi- 
ment New York State Militia (The Governor's Guard) in which he passed 
through all the grades up to Orderly Sergeant. In 1853, the company was 
transferred to the 8th Regiment (Washington Gres^s) and he served in 
that regiment imtil the year 1859, having reached the rank of Senior 
Captain. Finally, his business interfering with his duties as Captain, he 
tendered his resignation, having served ten years. 

At the attack upon Fort Sumter, his patriotism and military spirit 
were warmly aroused and he sought any opportunity of getting into the 
service. When the Mozart Regiment had been accepted by the City of 
New York, and placed under the patronage of Mayor Fernando Wood, the 
Mayor sought for a conunanding officer who would make a good colonel, 
and selected John S. Cocks, who had been Colonel of the 12th New York 
State MiUtia, and who stood very high as a disciplinarian and organizer. 
He naturally wanted an officer to act as adjutant, who would carry out his 
discipline and imitate his example, and Capt. Riley was recommended to 
him and he received the appointment and entered upon the duties. 

Subsequently, while the regiment was occup3dng the barracks in 
Yonkers, an election for Lieutenant Colonel was held by the officers, and 
Adjutant Riley was unanimously elected. During the month of June, 
while still at Yonkers, Col. Cocks resigned his conmiand. Following this, 
another election was held and Lieut. Col. Riley was elected colonel by the 
unanimous vote of the regimental officers. 

The officers, from Lieutenant Colonel down, while ardently patriotic and 
ambitious, were still mainly ignorant of mihtary tactics outside of com- 
pany movements, and they needed training as much as the rank and file. 
But by his imceasing zeal, his untiring efforts and his rare mihtary knowl- 
edge, he brought the officers and men of The Mozart Regiment to its 
masterly effectiveness. The characteristics which distinguished Col. Riley 
and enabled him to mold the raw material of which the regiment was com- 
posed, into a formidable mihtary organization, were strict discipline, 
extreme energy and persistence in drill. 

After his withdrawal from the army and the recovery of his health, 
Col. Riley engaged in active business life, and in the lapse of years he 
acquired a competency. He relinquished business several years since and 
now resides in Brookl}^!. 

He was married in 1857 to Miss Teresa Mallon and seven children were 
bom to them, two of whom are now hving; but Mrs. Riley succumbed to a 
fatal illness m 1874 and her death was deeply lamented by her husband 
and children to whom she was a faithful wife and devoted mother. 












# i^^l 

: ^^^^ 





Col. Riley has been active in the Grand Army of the Republic, and is a 
member of George C. Strong Post, No. 534. He is president of The Mozart 
Regiment Veteran Association, which has been in existence since 1865, 
when it was organized just previous to the muster out of the regiment. 
He is also a member of the Oxford Club, a prominent organization in 
Brooklyn City. 



Sleeping cars had not been invented in 1861, and the parlor car in use 
at the present time had not then been thought of, consequently our jour- 
ney to New York was not promotive of restful slumber. The boys made 
the best of their situation and the cushions were improvised for beds by 
turning two of them side by side. Then with knapsacks for pillows, those 
who retained control of their nerves found it possible to sleep, and at mid- 
night the hilarity of the preceding hours had virtually subsided, although 
a solitary quartette of singers continued their melodious warbling until 
daylight. It was our first encounter with the rough experiences of a 
soldier's Ufe, and we never quite forgot this first night in uniform and our 
first bivouac. 

During our journey, a telegram had notified Mr. Beecher that we were 
en route, and upon our arrival in New York at an early hour on Saturday 
morning a messenger awaited us with instructions to proceed to the Astor 
House. After a march of half an hour, we reached our destination some- 
what fatigued but in the best of spirits and in a most cheerful frame of 
mind. We were at once escorted into the hotel, which was then one of 
the most noted public houses in the country. After necessary ablutions, 
we entered the spacious dining room where we were served a very substan- 
tial breakfast, to which, it is hardly necessary to say, we did ample justice. 

We had been preceded a few hours by the Milford Light Mantry 
Company of Milford, Mass., under command of Capt. P. A. Lindsey, which 
went on by way of the "Norwich Line, ' ' and soon after our arrival the 
National Guard of Newburyport, Mass., imder command of Capt. J. P. L. 
Westcott, reached the hotel and partook of the same enjoyable repast. 

It was here that our acquaintance with these two companies of Massa- 
chusetts Volunteers began, and it resulted in cementing ties that remained 
unbroken. Through our subsequent misfortunes in Brooklyn, if they 
may be called such, and throughout the career of the grand regiment with 
which we finally linked our destiny, the pleasant intercourse that com- 
menced on that first morning in June, 1861, remained a happy association 
until the end of the war, and since then it has lived and stiU exists more 
intensified by the lapse of time and the precious memories of the war when 
we stood together to perpetuate the national existence. 

We learned that the Milford Company hafl been received at the steamer 
landing by Lieut. Beecher, and that their breakfast had been ordered and 
paid for by Mr. Aaron Claflin, who formerly resided in Milford. This 
company was composed of some of the most respectable yoimg men in Milford, 
and it had been organized by the citizens of Milford, who had liberally con- 
tributed for its formation and equipment, which included imiforms of the 



regulation pattern. They had been drilling for several weeks and, like the 
Arlington Company, had foreseen that they must disband or go into imme- 
diate service. When it became known in Milford that an opportunity had 
been given the company to join a New York Regiment, and that it had 
been accepted, there was intense excitement throughout the town. A 
meeting was called and held in the Town Hall on Friday, May 31, the day 
the company was to depart, and speeches were made by Rev. Albert L. HiU 
and one of the public spirited citizens of the town, Mr. Thomas C. Kent, 
who then and there presented the sum of five hundred dollars to the 
Company, which sum had been contributed by citizens for the benefit of the 
members. Capt. Lindsey accepted the gift in an appropriate speech and 
addresses were made by other patriotic citizens. The hall was crowded 
with an assemblage which was said to have been the largest ever gathered 
in Milford, and composed of the best of Milford's citizens and the fairest 
of Milford's daughters. When the time arrived for departure, a procession 
was formed to escort the company to the railroad depot, consisting of the 
Milford Horse Guard (mounted), the fire companies, the temperance 
Societies, Protestant and Catholic, and a large body of citizens. There 
was a parade through the principal streets to the music of the Milford Brass 
Band. The whole town joined in the demonstration and a furore of excite- 
ment prevailed. No miUtary company ever met a more enthusiastic farewell 
reception, and during the wild applause, some of the men were affected to 
tears. At the depot, there were similar scenes to those witnessed in Arlington. 
Embraces, kisses, and tears expressed the sorrow that overwhelmed some of 
the mothers, wives, and sweethearts, who found it difficult to part with those 
they loved and bid them godspeed upon their dangerous mission. The 
train bore them away and the next morning they were in New York. 

It was at the Astor House also that our association commenced with 
the National Guard of Newburyport. We had heard of this Company and 
had read in the newspapers about its proficiency in drill and marching. The 
city of Newburyport had been extremely lavish in equipping the Company, 
which had become the pride and admiration of the inhabitants. Every 
member of the company was armed with one of the famous Colt's revolving 
rifles, which cost fifty dollars each, and which carried five chambers, thus 
making the weapon five times as effective as the ordinary musket. Early 
in May the company visited Boston and dined at the Hancock House at the 
expense of Mr. William Knapp, who was an honored and wealthy son of 
Newburyport and a warm friend of Capt. Westcott. Subsequently they 
paraded through the public streets, and when marching up State Street they 
gave an exhibition of forming a hollow square to repel cavalry, in a highly 
creditable manner. They proceeded to Boston Common, where they exe- 
cuted the same movements and held a dress parade in the presence of a 
large number of interested and applauding spectators. The company had 
been instructed by Capt. Flanders, who was for many years connected 
with that celebrated militia organization in Newburyport known as "The 
Gushing Guard." Capt. Westcott himself was a well-drilled officer and had 
for many years served as City Marshal, which then was equivalent to 
"Chief of Police," or to the officer in Boston and other metropolitan cities 
now called the "Superintendent of Police." Capt. Westcott went to Boston 


as early as April ISth, and applied personally to Gov. Andrew for authority 
to raise a company and he was told to proceed with the enlistment of his 
men. The wealthy and prominent citizens of Newburyport approved of 
the project and the city government appropriated a sum sufficient to 
purchase the rifles mentioned above, and to buy uniforms, which consisted 
of dark blue coats and drab pants with white trimmings. A gray woolen 
fatigue uniform was also included in the outfit. In addition, a fund of 
several thousand dollars was contributed by citizens to provide for the 
families of those who were married, and for those relatives who were depend- 
ent upon any who had enlisted. These statements being true, I shall not 
be disputed when I say that no company went to the war from Massachusetts 
better equipped, and regarding arms, no company from the Bay State or 
from any other State, was equipped with the effective weapon that New- 
buryport supplied to its defenders. Early in May the company was nearly 
filled, and on Sunday, May 5th, an invitation to attend the Harris Street 
Church was accepted and each member was there presented with a neat pocket 
Testament. The company occupied the armory building used by the State 
militia, and there perfected its drill, supplemented with daily street exercises 
until the simunons came from Brooklyn. They assembled in the armory 
on the morning of May 31st, and a very large concourse of citizens was 
present to pay their parting tribute of respect and to participate in the 
public ceremonies. There had not been time to prepare an extensive pro- 
gramme and the exercises were necessarily impromptu. Prayer was offered 
by Rev. James T. Campbell, and an address was deUvered by Hon. Caleb 
Gushing, who resided in Newburyport even when he rendered such able 
services as Ambassador to China, and when serving in the Mexican War. 
The veteran orator spoke with much feeling and was visibly aflfected. He 
said, "they were to fight in a just and glorious cause, in which our country 
would shine brighter for the trial through which it was then passing." 
Other speeches were made and Capt. Westcott predicted that the company 
would give a good accoimt of itself in any capacity its activities were directed. 
At the close of the proceedings, line was formed and after parading through 
the streets accompanied by the Newburyport Brass Band, the company 
marched to the railway station, and after the usual sorrowful leave-takings, 
entered the train and started at once for Boston. Upon reaching the city, 
the company marched to the Providence railroad station, where a train was 
m waiting to connect with "The Stonmgton Line" for New York, where the 
company arrived the next morning per steamer "Commonwealth," as 
previously stated. 

After the Astor House breakfast had been concluded, preparations were 
made for the trip to Brooklyn. It required but a short time to reach there, 
and upon our arrival we were escorted to the regimental headquarters in 
what was called "The Arsenal" in Cranberry Street. We met with rather 
a dull reception, or rather with no reception at all, for no one was in waiting 
to welcome us when we arrived. Our guide had faithfully piloted us to the 
building, which we at once entered, only to find it apparently vacant. The 
Newburyport Company occupied a portion of the second story and the two 
other companies went one story higher. 

We had supposed that the Phjdanx would meet us at the ferry landing, 


or that it would be paraded in line at the headquarters and extend to us 
the customary military courtesies. But no one greeted us, not even Mr. 
Beecher, who was responsible for our presence there, or any officer of the 
regiment which was said to be in command of Col. Adams, who was a grad- 
uate of the West Point Military Academy. As soon as he could be located, 
our officers held a conference with him that was very unsatisfactory because 
they were told that Mr. Beecher was not an officer of the regiment and that 
neither he nor his distinguished father had any authority to act in behalf 
of the Phalanx. "Nevertheless, now that you are here," said the Colonel, 
"we have room for you, and we shall be pleased to have you join us." 
Further conversation disclosed the fact that the officers of the regiment 
had already been elected and that consequently the Massachusetts con- 
tingent could have no representation in the regimental field and staff, or 
any voice in their selection. It was also ascertained that while the line 
officers of seven companies had been elected, the enlisted men were not 
uniformed or otherwise equipped, and that they would not average more 
than twenty men to each company. 

Captains Ingalls, Lindsey, and Westcott immediately concluded that 
they had been deceived regarding the regiment, and after consulting 
together, they informed Col. Adams that they should return with their 
companies to Massachusetts as soon as transportation could be obtained. 
He requested them to remain and participate in the inspection that 
had been ordered for that afternoon, and they agreed to parade their 

In the meantime, the dinner hour had arrived, and like good soldiers 
we went scouting to find something to eat, but we soon learned to our dis- 
may that no preparations had been made for our meals, and that there 
were no faciUties in the building for cooking. We were wondering where 
the regiment was domiciled and how it was fed, when we were ordered to 
assemble on the floor below, where Lieut. Col. Cross, of the Phalanx, 
informed us that the several companies were quartered separately in vari- 
ous localities and that there would be an inspection that afternoon by the 
Union Defense Committee, on Sixth Avenue, right resting on Flatbush 
Avenue. He also stated that provision would be made for supplying us 
with rations, and asked us to be patient until arrangements could be perfected. 

It must be inferred that we were greatly disappointed, and at once 
there began to be mutterings of discontent and threats of abandoning 
soldier fife, which had begun so inauspiciously. Among other projects, it 
was suggested that the three companies form a battaUon and proceed to 
Washington. For obvious reasons, this proposition could not be consum- 
mated, and at a meeting of the companies, later that day, it was decided 
to depend upon our officers and await future developments. 

When the hour of six o'clock arrived that Saturday afternoon it found 
the three Massachusetts companies at the place assigned for inspection. 
But no other companies appeared, neither Col. Adams nor any of his staff. 
Consequently, after an exhibition in the manual of arms at the command 
of Capt. Westcott, we returned to our quarters, followed by the assembled 
crowd. The only reason assigned for this strange failure to parade the 
Phalanx was that the enlisted men were not uniformed or equipped and 


therefore that they would make a shabby display in comparison with the 
Massachusetts soldiers in their handsome uniforms and presenting- such a 
soldierly appearance. 

It was with a faint hope that, after all, our ardent desires might be 
realized, when we were informed that Rev. Henry Ward Beecher had gone 
to Washington to intercede for the acceptance of the regiment, and 
although we could not understand how he could expect President Lincoln 
or the Secretary of War to order a regiment mustered into service that 
did not exist, the fact that he was an intimate friend of the President and 
was pleading for the Phalanx that was dear to his heart, served to quiet 
our impatience and to appease our wrathful resentment. 

Upon the return of Mr. Beecher from his unsuccessful mission there 
was no longer any hope of imiting with the Brookl3m Phalanx, and while 
we remained in Brookl)^!, denunciations expressive of our indignation at 
the predicament in which we were placed were freely and continually 
pronounced. Subsequently, Lieut. Beecher, as we learned to call him, 
explained to our officers that he had expected to be the Adjutant of the regi- 
ment, and that his motive in sending to Massachusetts for us was purely 
selfish and done hoping that his efforts to buUd up the Phalanx would 
result in his preferment for the coveted appointment. Thus the inordi- 
nate ambition of a single individual caused three hundred men extreme 
vexation, annoyance, and anxiety, and subjected the State of Massachusetts 
to an unnecessary expense of more than two thousand dollars. Neverthe- 
less, amid our discomfitures and trials, the law of compensation seemed to 
have been exerted in our behalf, for even while we were in Brookljm, intelli- 
gence came to our officers which operated to our advantage, for it opened 
the way for our connection with the grand regiment with which we after- 
wards became affiliated. 

Upon returning to headquarters from the fake inspection to which we 
had been invited, the three Massachusetts Captains held a consultation 
with their Lieutenants, and it was decided that Capts. Ingalls and Lindsey 
and Lieut. Foster of the Newburyport Company, should return to Boston 
and confer with Gov. Andrew, and they departed that night. Arriving in 
Boston on Sunday, they made no attempt to see Gov. Andrew until Mon- 
day morning, when at an early hour they proceeded to the State House 
and met His Excellency, who had already been informed that they had 
arrived in Boston. He was mfonned of the facts connected with our 
unpleasant situation, and the officers stated that they found the Brooklyn 
Phalanx to consist of about one hundred men without arms or uniforms. 
The Governor advised that the companies return to Massachusetts and 
proceed to Fort Warren, where rations would be supplied. He also agreed 
to furnish transportation from Brooklyn, and the officers departed in a 
happier frame of mind than they had experienced for several da3r3. That 
evening witnessed their departure for Brooklyn, where they arrived on 
Tuesday morning. They made haste to inform the men of the result of 
their visit to Boston, and there was some disappointment expressed by a 
few who supposed that the officers would prevail upon the Governor to 
promise immediate service, which he was unable to guarantee or to ^ve 
any assurance for the future. 


Soon after, the arrival at the armory of Mr. Frank E. Howe was 
announced. He was acting as the military agent for Massachusetts in 
New York CSty, and hearing of our dilemma, he had hurried to Brooklyn 
to investigate and advise. He was informed of our intended return to 
Boston, and he favored that plan. Just at this time also, there arrived at 
the armory a messenger from several gentlemen, "Sons of Newburjrport," 
residing in New York, inviting Capt. Westcott and his company to accept 
their hospitality at a dinner that evening in honor of the company and its 
commander. Capt. Westcott returned his thanks in writing and expressed 
regret that the contemplated return of the company to Boston that evening 
would prevent acceptance of the invitation which imder other conditions 
would have elicited a gladly favorable response. 

Preparations for departure were immediately commenced and not 
many minutes were required to get in readiness for our homeward journey. 
We had now remained in Brooklyn three days, and for three nights had 
slept upon the floor of the armory cm straw mattresses which, with our 
blankets, made quite comfortable beds. Our rations also, after the first 
day, were quite satisfactory, although the food was of the plainest descrip- 
tion, consisting entirely of boiled fresh beef, bread and coffee. We had 
had our first lesson in the life of a soldier, and we had learned to endure 
without grumbling the hardships we had encountered. 

As we filed from the armory into the street, no escort awaited us, and 
there was no friendly farewell greeting from Col. Adams or his oflicers, 
who evidently felt ashamed of their exploit, although they had claimed 
ignorance of our coming, but who had, nevertheless, clearly intended to 
make the Massachusetts troops the nucleus of their regiment, without 
sharing the higher official honors. The Brooklyn Phalanx struggled on 
and finally was organized into three companies which were in pleasantry 
nicknamed "Beecher's Pets," and we often heard them so called when we 
met them at the front. They were ordered into camp with companies 
from other parts of the State and finally became the 67th Regiment, which 
did not leave the state until the last of August, or until two months 
after we had been in the field. 

Our departure from Brooklyn created no interest whatever. We 
marched to the ferry, and went across the river to the pier of the Fall River 
Line, and were soon en route back to Boston. We were not only sorry to 
have failed in our purpose, which was certainly a laudable one, but were 
deeply chagrined and humiliated by the outcome of our efforts to meet the 
enemies of our country. During the homeward trip there was no hesi- 
tation in giving expression to the prevailing vexation, and so deep was the 
mortification, that many declared they would prefer to engage in any 
menial occupation rather than return to their homes, which they declared they 
never would do until they had met the enemy. 

We arrived in Boston soon after seven o'clock on Wednesday morning, 
and immediately marched to the American House, which was then much 
smaller than the present edifice, although equally popular as a public resort. 
We partook of an acceptable breakfast, with which the tired and dis- 
heartened men expressed themselves as highly pleased, and their approba- 
tion was manifested at the tables by hearty cheers. After the repast, 


Capt. Lindsey informed us that the oflScers intended to see Gov. Andrew at 
once, and urge him to accept the three companies and form them into an 
independent battalion to be held in reserve imtil their services in the field 
were required. He also said that if the Governor could offer no encourage- 
ment, the officers would then return to New York and ascertain the condition 
of a regiment to which their attention had been directed while we were in 
Brookl3nti, and which had already been accepted for immediate service as 
soon as the ranks contained the ma^mum number of recruits. 

At about this time, one of the Governor's aides appeared with an order 
to proceed to Fort Warren. When this was read, the men uttered shouts of 
disapproval, and after the aide was told of the intended visit to the Governor, 
he withdrew the order to await further instructions. The companies were 
then dismissed until twelve o'clock, at which time they were ordered to 
assemble in the armory of Professor Salignac, on Sudbury Street, who had 
been our military instructor in Arlington, there to listen to the report of 
their officers regarding their interview with Gov. Andrew. Captains Ingalls, 
Westcott, and Lindsey immediately proceeded to the State House, where they 
first met Quartermaster General Reed, who escorted them to the Governor, 
with whom they held a long and confidential interview. He first discussed the 
impossibility of offering them immediate service, saying that the quota under 
the call of May 3d, which allowed him to muster six regiments of infantry, had 
been provided for before their companies had been organized, and that the 
troops were soon to go forward from the camps where they were located. 
He said also, that he could not anticipate any future calls of President 
Lincoln, and it was not certain that any more troops would be called for. 
The laws would not permit him to increase the militia force and consequently 
that there was absolutely no prospect of future service. When he was 
told that the companies would disband unless some encouragement was 
given them, he suggested that they go to Fort Warren and await the future 
action of the Government. Capt. Ligalls inquired if they would receive 
pay, and the Governor replied that he had no legal authority to incur any 
expense of that nature. He was told that the men had been under arms for 
many weeks at their own expense, and that they were not satisfied to con- 
tinue indefinitely imder the same conditions. During the discussion, Capt. 
Westcott asked if they might not be allowed to camp on Boston Common, 
to which the Governor repUed that his authority did not extend over the 
Common. He expressed the deepest sj^npathy for them and urged them 
to accept his advice to rendezvous at Fort Warren temporarily, and he 
promised rations as long as we might remain. He did not favor the proposi- 
tion to form a battalion and go to Fort Monroe, but he offered the use of the 
Steamer " Pembroke" to convey us there if we decided to go and could ob- 
tain permission to quarter there. He also agreed to give us permission to 
again leave the State if we should so desire, for the purpose of joining 
another regiment. He also assured the officers that if we decided to remain 
here, we should be the first troops called upon to fill the next requisition. 
In taking their leave of the Governor, the officers thanked him for his cour- 
tesy and mformed him that they thought their men would not be satisfied 
with ansrthing less than an immediate muster into the service of either the 
State or the United States with pay. They then retired and proceeded to the 


armory, feeling sure that the Governor could do no more than he had offered. 
During the interval between breakfast and the noon hour, while the 
officers were at the State House, the men repaired to the armory and dis- 
cussed the various projects that had been advanced for maintaining their 
organizations long enough to become attached to some regiment. The 
general tone of the remarks seemed to disclose an anticipation of disband- 
ment, and all sorts of impracticable schemes were proposed to prevent 
that calamitous probability. Many expressed a determination not to go to 
Fort Warren imless they could be sworn into the militia or the army and 
draw pay. One man proposed to disband and bum their xmiforms, and 
another said they had seen enough of "humbug" and he would agree to 
nothing that would again put them in a false position. A speech was made 
by Lieut. Locke of Arlington, who condemned the manifestations of dis- 
pleasure against their captains and their discontent with the circumstances 
that environed them. He declared with much vehemence that the captains 
were as anxious as the men to go into service and that they were doing 
everything possible to obtain the service they all desired. He counseled 
patience and expressed the opinion that we should emerge from our 
troubles with honor and be all the better soldiers for having passed through 
the difficulties with which we had been assailed. He reminded them that 
they had enhsted to go to the front, and speaking for himself, said that he 
proposed to adhere to his original design and get to the front as soon as 
possible. These remarks elicited hearty cheers, and it was evident that 
they had restored some of the malcontents to their normal state of mind- 

While Lieut. Locke was speaking the captains entered the hall from 
their interview with the Governor, and they at once related the result of 
the conference. Capt. Westcott acted as spokesman and when he stated 
that the Governor had pledged himself to give us permission to join any 
regiment out of the State, it was received with enthusiastic applause, 
showing that the men preferred to go elsewhere if service could not be 
obtained in Massachusetts. Remarks were made by Capt. IngaUs and 
Capt. Lindsey, confirming what Capt. Westcott had said, after which it was 
unanimously voted to go to Fort Warren for the period of three days, to 
enable the officers to visit the city of Yonkers, N. Y., where what was 
known as "The Mozart Regiment" was organizing and needed only three 
hundred men to complete its full roster. While in Brooklyn our officers 
had been approached by those who were interested in forming the above 
named regiment, which was then in command of Col. John S. Cocks, who 
had for many years been connected with the National Guard Of New York, 
and who was said to be an excellent soldier, and well qualified to act as 
Colonel. They were informed that Mayor Wood and the Union Defense 
Committee of New York were promoting the interests of the Regiment, 
and that the amount of money required to maintain and equip the Regi- 
ment and send it to the front was at their disposal, and they were invited 
to investigate and if convinced, to unite and complete the regimental for- 

Upon adjournment of the meeting in the armory, the companies were 
formed in Une and we at once marched to the wharf and embarked for the 
fort on the steamer " Nellie Baker," which safely and speedily conveyed us 


to our destination. We were assigned to quarters in the casemates, where 
we found that no provision had been made for our reception. We had 
neither provisions, bedding, cooking utensils, knives, forks, spoons, nor 
dippers. This situation was emphatically discouraging, and many of the 
men obtained leave of absence and returned to the city with orders to 
report at the fort in three days. Those who remained in the fort found 
friends among the rank and file of the Fletcher Webster Regiment, who 
were quartered there while waiting for the same opportimity we were seek- 
ing, and who shared their rations with us until our suppUes arrived from 
Boston on the following morning. Mattresses were also furnished by 
Quartermaster Wood, who had an abundance of whatever materials we 
needed for our comfort and necessities. This soldierly courtesy was greatly 
appreciated and it found expression in various ways. On the next day, 
Thursday, a "card" was pubhshed in the Boston newspapers expressing 
our thanks and gratitude to C!ol. Howe for his prompt and energetic 
efforts in our behalf during our stay in Brooklyn. 

Col. Howe was a native of Massachusetts but when the war commenced 
he was engaged in business in New York City. Early in May he wrote 
to Gov. Andrew, tendering the use of vacant rooms in the building he 
occupied, and his personal supervision in the care of sick and wounded 
Massachusetts soldiers who might pass through the city on the way home 
from the front. His generous offer was accepted by Gov. Andrew, from 
whom he received instructions. His services became so valuable that 
during the month of August he was appointed Assistant Quartermaster 
Gteneral with the rank of Lieut. Colonel. This was the origin of what was 
famiUarly known as "The New England Rooms," of which Col. Howe had 
charge during the entire war. It became a home and hospital for sick 
and wounded New England soldiers, both in going to and returning from 
the front. These rooms were largely supported by volimtary subscrip- 
tions from patriotic and liberal men in the City of New York, who were 
the personal friends of Col. Howe. 

Thursday morning, June 6th, witnessed the departure of our three cap- 
tains for New York, and the men who desired were allowed leave of absence 
to visit their homes or friends, and quite a number availed themselves of 
the opportunity. For those who remained at Fort Warren the time was 
made to pass pleasantly by the methods usually employed when men are 
exiled from their fellows and the excitements of active life. We resorted 
to cards and checkers, and story-telling helped to while away what might 
otherwise have been weary hours, but that feature was lacking in the thrill- 
ing events and experiences which were later encountered in the army. We 
had some good singers in the crowd and our vocal organs were frequently 
exercised while singing the tunes in our musical vocabulary, which con- 
tained such old favorities as "Susannah," "Old Dog Tray," and all the 
popular melodies of the day. I am told by one of our comrades now living 
who was bom in Arlington, that the tune to which "John Brown's Body" 
is sung originated there in Fort Warren during one of the days we were 
awaiting our destiny, or as Sergt. Dur^n called it, "our doom." As I do 
not remember about the singing of that refrain, which became popular 
throughout the army, and all ovec the world, I am unable to verify the 


statement, but I have no reason to doubt its accuracy, for the comrade 
was our musical director and is worthy of credit. 

Our officers arrived in Boston upon their return from New York, on 
Sunday morning, June 9th, and on Monday the morning newspapers con- 
tained a call for all absentees of the three companies to report on Tuesday 
morning at the Sudbury Street Armory. Capt. Westcott went immedi- 
ately to Newburyport, advantage having been taken of his absence to 
breed discontent among his men, and thus disrupt the company. He 
therefore called a public meeting to take place in City Hall on Monday 
evening, June 10. The haU was crowded, and one of the aldermen of the 
city presided at the meeting, and made brief remarks complimentary to 
Capt. Westcott, who delivered an eloquent address and fully explained the 
existing conditions. His discourse occupied more than an hour in delivery 
and it was punctuated throughout with cheers and other evidences of the 
good impression it created. Finally, he gave notice that the company 
would leave Newburjrport on the following morning at ten o'clock en route 
for New York, to join the Mozart Regiment at Yonkers, and be mustered 
into the military service of the United States. To show that Capt. West- 
cott knew what he was talking about, I take the liberty to anticipate the 
sequence of my story, and say that four days after this meeting, or two 
days after arriving at Yonkers, the Newburyport Company was sworn into 
the United States Army, and the members began to draw pay as Union 

Capts. Ingalls and Lindsey repaired to Fort Warren on Monday, and 
notified those who had remained there to assemble at the armory on Sud- 
bury Street, Boston, on the following day. They remained at the fort that 
afternoon and told us the result of their visit to Yonkers. They said that 
the Mozart Regiment had an actual existence and that, with the three Mas- 
sachusetts companies added, its roster would be complete. They reported 
that they had met with a genuine soldier's welcome when they arrived in 
New York, where they were received by the officers of the regiment in uni- 
form, with whom they proceeded to Yonkers. There they met Col. Cocks, 
who assured his visitors that everything claimed for the regiment was true. 
They inspected the barracks and saw the men there, and were satisfied 
that the regiment lacked only three hundred recruits to fit it for the field so 
far as numbers were involved, and that the equipment was ready for 
the men as soon as they were mustered. The United States mustering 
officer, Lieut. Cogswell of the 8th U, S. Inf., was already present, and his 
inspection report coincided with the statements of Col. Cocks and other 
officers of the regiment. Our faith in the two captains had not diminished, 
and we were stiU anxious to follow them wherever they might themselves 
be willing to go. 

At an early hour on Tuesday morning, June 11th, Monsieur Salignac's 
armory on Sudbury Street again became the rendezvous of our three 
companies. The Milford company had arrived, accompanied by Brooks' 
Milford Brass Band, which accompanied us to Yonkers. The Newbury- 
port company did not arrive until 11 o'clock, but it came with full ranks. 
The other companies had been somewhat affected by the weakening influ- 
ences that had been invoked by the disappointing vicissitudes through 


which we had recently passed. We found that our numbers had consid- 
erably dwindled, but those who remained were as enthusiastic and eager as 
when we started upon our exasperating journey to Brooklyn ten days 

"When we were called to order the result of the visit to Yonkers waa 
reported by the three captains in turn, to the effect that they had foimd a 
bona fide regiment at Yonkers, that had been organized imder the special 
patronage of Hon. Fernando Wood, who had been elected Mayor of New 
York City by the Mozart faction of the Democratic party, and who had in 
honor of that political combination, bestowed the name by which it was 
designated upon the re^ment. Until then, although it seemed irrelevant, 
we had supposed that the name had been adopted in honor of the celebrated 
miisical composer whose melodious strains had entranced the world. It was 
as I have stated — the Mozart partisans defeated the Tammany partisans, 
and our regiment was given the name of the victorious element. And not 
only was Mayor Wood interested in the Mozart Regiment on accoimt of its 
name, but he was chairman of the Union Defense Committee which was 
chosen at the immense public meeting held in Union Square on Saturday 
evening, April 20th, and which had the disbursing of the enormous fund that 
was contributed through the influence of that meeting. Later, the Tammany 
Regiment, that was organized by the Tammany faction, was placed in the 
field by the same committee. 

After our captains had fully explained what they had foimd at Yonkers, 
the following communication from Gov. Andrew was read by Capt. Ingalls, 
a copy of the same having also been received by Captains Lindsey and 

State House, Boston, June 10th, 1861. 

Sib: — You have expressed a desire in behalf of yourself and your Conunand, to 
proceed to New York and join there what is called " The Mozart Regiment. " In con- 
sideration of the disappointment you have already experienced, this Commonwealth 
will again transport you to New York at its own expense. But in order that there 
may be no possible misunderstanding, it is deemed advisable to state expUcitly in this 
connection, that you and your Command are not ordered to duty, but are only per- 
mitted to do what you desire on your own risk and responsibihty as private citizens 
and that from the moment you leave Massachusetts, the Commonwealth cannot con- 
sider that it holds any further official connection with you by which it shall be bound 
to any official responsibility whatever, for your action or welfare, although in both, the 
people of Massachusetts can never cease of course, to take a warm interest. 

With sincere good wishes, 

I am very truly yours, 


The original of this letter, that was sent to Capt. Ingalls, was recently 
presented to Francis Grould Post, Grand Army of the Republic, in Arlington, 
by Hon. James A. Bailey, Jr., the present chairman of the Board of Selectmen, 
and it is now in possession of Past Commander Seaver, custodian of the Post 
property. Subsequently Gov. Andrew regretted his action, and after we 
had been in the army several months, he endeavored to secure our transfer 
to a Massachusetts Regiment, as will later be explained. 

This letter, containing permission for us to unite with the Mozart Rep- 
ment, was not obtained until there had been a debate between our officers 


and the Governor. The captains insisted upon receiving rations for their men 
until they could return to New York and arrange to attach their companies 
to the Mozart Regiment. The Governor finally jrielded, but not until he 
found that they had determined to leave the State again unless he provided 
them with service in a Massachusetts Regiment, which he claimed was 
impossible. He assented to their request for rations and promised trans- 
portation for their companies to Yonkers if arrangements were made to 
incorporate them in the Mozart Regiment. 

At a reunion held in Milford ten years after the war closed, Capt. 
Westcott fully explained in the Town Hall, which was crowded with 
prominent men and citizens of Milford, why it became necessary to join 
" The Mozart Regiment, ' ' and he related the particulars of the interview 
with Gov. Andrew, but I reserve further details until a subsequent chapter, 
in which affairs " since the war ' ' will be discussed. 

The consent of Gov. Andrew, however, was not essential, for he could not 
prevent our departure "as private citizens," but his assent was desirable 
because it would confer a degree of military standing and be regarded as an 
official recognition that would prove beneficial. Gov. Andrew was convinced 
that if Massachusetts would have no future use for us, it was better for us to 
go to New York, where they needed us and wanted us. 

After the letter had been read a motion that we proceed to Yonkers and 
join the Mozart Regiment was adopted without a dissenting voice. We 
were aU pleased at the prospect of immediate service, and it appeared to us 
then, as it does to me now, that Gov. Andrew regarded the opportunity we 
had found as worthy of acceptance, and beheved that we ought to proceed 
without expectation of retracing our steps after we had gone forward. In 
fact, he virtually bestowed his blessing upon us and, with his "sincere good 
wishes," bade us be content with the good fortune that had overtaken us. 

Before leaving Newburyport the company surrendered their rifles to 
the city, and the arms that the other companies had received at the State 
House were Ukewise returned, as it was understood that the Mozart Regiment 
would be armed with improved muskets. Dinner was again served at the 
American House, and at about half past four o'clock, line was formed in 
Sudbury Street, and we at once proceeded to the Providence railroad station, 
with the Milford Band in advance. Capt. Westcott had the right of the 
line, Capt. Lindsey the center, and Capt. Ingalls the left. We embarked in 
six cars, which were attached to the regular half past five o'clock train by 
the Stonington route. We were in excellent spirits and somewhat boisterous, 
I think, as we started and before train time, while our band was pla3dng 
patriotic music. The people who had sent us forth were surprised at our 
marchings and our countermarchings, and our attempts to reach the seat of 
war occasioned some criticism, by which a few of our members were so 
aSected that they became disheartened, and we carried with us not so many 
to Yonkers as to Brookl)m. Who could have expected otherwise after the 
provoking reverses and serious obstructions we had encountered? 

Our Arlington Company, however, had been strengthened by a score or 
more of recruits from a company that had been organized in Wobum, but 
which was languishing because there seemed no prospect of future service. 
They arrived at the armory of Col. Salignac under command of Sergt. J. P. 


Crane, on the afternoon we started for Yonkers. Previous to leaving 
Wobum they were addressed by Rev. Mr. Branning. They were escorted 
to Boston by Niagara Engine Company, under command of Capt. John L, 
Parker, and the Webster Engine Company, under conmiand of Capt. T. F. 
Waldron, the whole under command of Chief Engineer L. W. Cooper. 



Thomas Washington Egan. 

Gen. Thomas W. Egan was bom in New York City in 1834, and at the 
time the Civil War commenced, in 1861, he knew but very little about military 
matters. Soon after the attack upon Fort Sumter he appeared before the 
Union Defense Committee of New York City, and applied for active duty. 
He was first assigned to the recruiting service for the Mozart Regiment, at 
the suggestion of Mayor Fernando Wood, and he achieved such good results 
that he was appointed Quartermaster of the Regiment. 

It thus became his duty to equip the regiment, and he attended to that 
duty so efficiently as to please the other officers of the regiment, and when 
the staff was elected, he was elevated to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel, and 
in that capacity he served until he was promoted to Colonel. He made a 
highly honorable army record, and achieved notoriety as a "fighter," being 
known throughout the Third Corps as "Fighting Tom Egan." He never 
engaged in a battle without winning the unstinted praise of his superiors 
and the admiration of his associates and subordinates. 

His first wound was slight. The second was near the spine and caused 
progressive paralysis of the lower limbs, for which he was under treatment 
in hospital about two months. His third wound was nearly fatal and his 
recovery was at first very doubtful. 

After his discharge from the army he returned to New York, and later 
received the appointment of Collector of Internal Revenue, which position 
he held until the Revenue Service was reduced by consolidation. His final 
sickness was marked by an epileptic attack, and he was removed from his 
hotel to the Chambers Street Hospital, where he was pronounced on the day 
preceding his death to be out of danger. He was visited on the day he died 
by some of his army comrades and intimate friends, who remained and 
chatted with him for several hours. He suffered no pain and complained of 
nothing but weakness. He remained in the same comfortable condition 
until after he had taken nourishment at noon, when unfavorable S3rmptoms 
were observed and he failed rapidly until, at about two o'clock, he expired. 

The body lay in state under guard of the Mozart Association, in the 
hall of Dahlgren Post, Grand Army of the Repubhc, and the obsequies 
were attended by many army officers, and representatives were present from 
nearly every veteran soldier organization in the city. Among the pall- 
bearers were Col. Cannon, Capt. Murphy, and Sergt. Levy. The body was 
interred in Cypress Hills Cemetery, New York, in the section reserved for 
West Pomt officers. A handsome granite monument marks his resting 
place, that was erected with money contributed by his comrades, all of 
whom respected him for his bravery and for his devotion to his country 
and the flag. The following is the inscription on the monument; — 
Thomas W. Egan, died Feb. 24, 1887, aged 53 years. 
Lieut. Col. Fortieth New York Volunteers. 
Colonel Fortieth New York Volunteers. 
Bkigadiee Genbeal of Volunteers. 
Brevet Major General of Volunteers. 
Erected by the survivors of the 40th {Mozart) Regiment, N.Y. Vols. 

For full military record, see Roster at the end of the volume. 


We reached Stonington at ten o'clock and embarked on the Steamer 
"Plymouth Rock," which safely conveyed us to New York, where we arrived 
in the early morning and where we were again met by the Massachusetts 
agent. Col. Frank E. Howe, who had been authorized to provide breakfast 
for us at the Astor House, to which we immediately marched. After a 
substantial meal, we retraced our steps to Amos Street, at the river front, 
and at half past nine were en route, per Steamer "Champion," for Yonkers, 
which city is located on the Hudson River about sixteen miles above New 
York City. It is built upon the river embankment, and as we approached, a 
magnificent picture was presented to our view. Beautiful residences peeped 
from above the trees, which were so numerous as to impart a picturesque 
appearance to the graphic scene. The Hudson River Railroad follows 
along the shore, and directly opposite are the celebrated Palisades. 

Our arrival attracted a large crowd to the pier where we landed and where 
the oflScers of the regiment were assembled. As soon as line had been formed 
we were escorted to the barracks, which were in a large brick building. This 
was a commodious structure four stories in height, 125 feet long, and 85 feet 
wide. It had been erected for manufacturing purposes but had never been 
occupied, the threatening war having stagnated business enterprises, for the 
time being, throughout the coimtry. Our companies were quartered in 
the second story, where there were ample light and ventilation, as well as 
ample room for sociabihty by day and for sleeping at night. Dining tables 
were erected lengthwise of the building and there were chairs, benches, and 
dishes in profusion. Our first meal there consisted of hot corned beef, 
potatoes, bread and butter, radishes, and coffee. We had excellent coffee 
at every meal, with milk and sugar, and tea for those who preferred that 
beguiling beverage. 

We found the barracks occupied by enUsted men, although none had 
yet been uniformed or armed, for the reason that they had not been sworn 
into the United States Service. That interesting and much-coveted ceremony, 
however, was performed as fast as the companies reached the ma:dmum 
number of 101 men. We reached Yonkers on Wednesday, June 12th, and 
two days later five companies, one of which was the Newburyport Company, 
were mustered into the volunteer army as Company B, Capt. Westcott; 
Company C, Capt. Foster; Company D, Capt. Gesner; Company E, Capt. 
Gotlieb; Company F, Capt. Ungerer. One week later, June 21st, two more 
companies were mustered in with full numbers as follows : — Company G, Capt. 
Lindsey, and Company A, Capt. Crofts. On June 26th another company was 
mustered, viz. : — Company I, Capt. Burke, leaving only two companies out 
of the fold, and on the following day, June 27th, Company H, of Arlington, 



Capt. Ingalls, and Company K, of Lawrence, Capt. O'Sullivan, were mustered 
and became a part of the Mozart Regiment. 

We had been in Yonkers only a day or two when news reached Capt. 
Lindsey that there was trouble in Milford. The letter of Gov. Andrew had 
been construed by the selectmen as a rebuke, and to justify their action 
in returning home, the Milford deserters had misrepresented the conditions 
at Yonkers. In consequence, the selectmen had voted to discontinue 
assistance to the families of the Milford Mozarters. This action of the 
selectmen of Milford had such an effect upon the Milford men at Yonkers 
that Capt. Lindsey detailed several of them to accompany him to Milford, 
where they arrived in the Mozart uniform on Monday morning, June 17th. 
Capt. Lindsey and his men had an immediate interview with the selectmen, 
which resulted in an agreement to rescind their vote and to pay the allowance 
to the famiUes of the Mozart Volunteers the same as to the families of other 
volunteers. Capt. Lindsey found the people of Milford highly indignant at 
the return of some of his company who had created such false impressions. 
He obtained quite a number of recruits and returned to Yonkers on 
Wednesday morning. Two days later, the MiKord Company became a part 
of the United States Army as Company G, Mozart Regiment. 

The Arhngton Company had been peculiarly unfortunate in the loss of 
its members. The Wobum contingent, or twenty men of the thirty-six 
who joined us in Boston, did not find a soldier's life agreeable, and with 
eleven others, they departed on the day after their arrival, assisted by 
Col. Howe, who paid for their transportation to Boston. Capt. Ligalls 
appealed to their pride and strove to convince them that their position in 
a New York regiment would be no less honorable and conspicuous, and that 
in becoming "minutemen" of the Rebellion, they would be as highly honored 
as are the " minutemen ' of the Revolution. Their retirement left the com- 
pany thirty-five men deficient of the full complement, some of our members 
having been temporarily transferred to the other two companies to complete 
their full requirement. The Newbuiyport Company borrowed some of our 
men, and as soon as that company was sworn in, Capt. Westcott started for 
Boston after recruits. He obtained a large number in Amesbury and other 
towns near there, and then performed an unexpected coup d'etat by per- 
suading an entire company in Lawrence to return with him to Yonkers. 
This masterly stroke was perpetrated without the knowledge or consent of 
Gov. Andrew, and it brought into the Mozart Regiment a body of young 
Irish volunteers who were a credit not only to themselves and the regiment, 
but to the State of Massachusetts, and the City of Lawrence. They were a 
wild lot of fellows at first, but their commander, Capt. O'Sullivan, had full 
control of them and they respected him. The addition of this company to 
our forces was made necessary because the captain of a Philadelphia Com- 
pany that had joined the regiment failed to pass the medical examination, 
and his men, who were loyal to him, refused to be mustered in without him 
and retired from the regiment, thus causing a vacancy. It was a proud day 
for Capt. Westcott when he conducted his volunteers from Amesbury and 
Lawrence into the barracks, and prouder still for him and the other officers, 
when, on the following day, Thursday, June 27th, the companies from Arling- 
ton and Lawrence, augmented to the maximum with recruits from New York 


City, were sworn in, our company being designated as Company H, and the 
Lawrence Company as Company K, thus completing the regiment. This 
feat had not been accomplished without a tremendous struggle, which had 
been intensified by the continued disaffection of our members, who seemed 
to think that they should be provided with beds of ease and hotel luxuries 
to regale their appetites. They shied at the barracks with bare walls, the 
table without linen coverings, and the absence of napkins and finger bowls. 
We were not sorry to see them depart, but considerable feeling was manifested 
among us, and it was vented upon a member of our company who had 
enlisted in Arlington. When he announced that he was going back to Boston, 
he was stripped of the Arlington imiform and given a suit of cheap clothing 
that had been discarded by one of the members who had been mustered and 
had received the Mozart uniform. I did not approve of this action, and sub- 
sequently, after several months, whOe we were in Alexandria, I learned that he 
had again enlisted and was serving somewhere in Virginia. He was degraded 
soon after our arrival in Yonkers and only a few days elapsed before we were 
mustered in and furnished with our new uniforms, which were handsome 
and substantial. They were made of dark blue cloth, with red facings and 
trimmings and large gilt buttons. The jacket, trousers, and cap were made 
of the same material and all trimmed with the same color. The officers' 
uniform conformed strictly to the army regulations. 

The donning of the Mozart uniform necessitated the discarding of the 
Arlington uniform. At first, the Mozart jacket felt strange to us, for the 
Arlington coat was a double-breasted frock, the skirts of which reached 
nearly to the knees, while the Mozart jacket ended at the waist, just below 
the belt. We thought the new uniform more becoming than the old one and 
it was certainly more comfortable. The Massachusetts gray uniforms we 
had taken off to put on the New York blue, were packed in large dry goods 
boxes and returned by express to Arlington, or at least I suppose they were 
returned, although after the war it was said that the uniforms did not reach 
home but were sold to second-hand clothing dealers in New York City. I 
did not feel interested enough in the matter at that time to investigate the 
truth of the story, and whether true or otherwise, whatever was done was 
probably by order of the selectmen of Arlington. 

At about this time, Col. Cocks, whom I do not remember to have seen, 
and who had been assigned as Colonel, but not commissioned, seceded 
from the regiment on account of mutual dissatisfaction between himself 
and some of his officers. Recruits came and went because of the state of 
affairs, and had not a change been produced by the retirement of Col. Cocks, 
the Mozart Regiment might never have existed except in name. The field 
and staff officers had been selected long before our arrival, and consequently 
there was no vacancy for a representative from Massachusetts in that body, 
but upon the retirement of Col. Cocks there seemed to be an opening. 
Several captains were candidates for election as major, among whom was 
Capt. Westcott, who claimed that he had been promised the earliest possible 
promotion. Captains Ingalls and Lindsey were mentioned in this connection, 
but they declined to accept promotion at that time because it involved the 
good will of their companies, and Capt. Westcott also withdrew his name 
for the same reason. To succeed Col. Cocks in command of the regiment 


no other name was mentioned but that of Edward J. Riley, who was the 
Adjutant at that time. He seemed to have captivated the entire body of 
oflScers, and when the election was held he was the unanimous choice. Even 
at that early date^ Col. Riley had shown that he was qualified to take com- 
mand, and it was in recognition of his eminent ability and qualifications that 
he was elevated to the exalted position he so faithfully and honorably 

The election of Lieutenant Colonel resulted in a surprise, but the same 
reason did not apply to Quartermaster Egan as to Adjutant Riley. He had 
done more to organize and establish the regiment than any other person, 
and it was through his indefatigable energy and persistent exertion that 
early enUstments were procured. He was not a military man, educated to 
take command, but his ability as an organizer was admitted and to that 
his election was attributed. The election of Major resulted in the choice 
of Richard F. Halstead, who was a well educated soldier and thoroughly 
competent. The Roster of the regimental officers, as mustered and sworn 
into the United States Service, was as follows : — 

Field and Sr.irF. 

Colonel Edward J. Riley. 

Lieutenant Colonel Thomas W. Egan. 

Major Richard F. Halstead. 

Adjutant Alfred M. Raphall. 

Quartermaster Frederick W. Bliss. 

Surgeon John H. Thompson. 

Assistant Surgeon James E. Dexter. 

Chaplain William H. Gilder. 

Sergeant Major Mortimer C. Earl. 

Quartermaster Sergeant Charles R. Sheldon. 

Commissary Sergeant Eli C. Townsend. 

Hospital Steward George Unit. 

Brum Major Charles T. Smith. 

Fife Major Andrew J. Mulhem. 

Officers of the Line. 

Company A. Captain, Marriott N. Crofts; First Lieutenant, Augustus 
J. Warner; Second Lieutenant, Henry J. Strait. This company was 
recruited in New York City. Mustered in, June 21, 1861. 

Company B. Captain, James P. L. Westcott ; First Lieutenant, Henry H. 
Foster; Second Lieutenant, John T. Brown. This company was organized 
in Newburyport, Mass. Mustered in, June 14, 1861. 

Company C. Captain, Frank T. Foster; First Lieutenant, James W. 
George; Second Lieutenant, George B. Carse. Principally recruited in 
Philadelphia, Pa. Mustered in, June 14, 1861. 

Company D. Captain, Nelson A. Gesner; First Lieutenant, George 
Woodward; Second Lieutenant, John Horn. Recruited in New York City. 
Mustered in, June 14, 1861. 

Company E. Captain, Henry E. Gotlieb; First Lieutenant, William N. 
Thorp; Second Lieutenant, Rupert G. Hill. Recruited in New York City. 
Mustered in, June 14, 1861. 

Company F. Captain, Henry Ungerer; First Lieutenant, Charles H. 
Stone; Second Lieutenant, John Locke. Recruited in Philadelphia, Pa. 
Mustered in, June 14, 1861. 


Company G. Captain, P. Allen Lindsey; First Lieutenant, Francis A. 
Johnson; Second Lieutenant, Alfred W. Walcott. Recruited in Milford, 
Mass. Mustered in, June 21, 1861. 

Company H. Captain, Albert S. Ingalls; First Lieutenant, George O. 
Ballou; Second Lieutenant, Ira Keyes. Recruited in Arlington, Mass. 
Mustered in, June 27, 1861. 

Company I. Captain, James C. Burke; First Lieutenant, Thomas B. 
Riley; Second Lieutenant, George M. Bennett. Recruited in New York City. 
Mustered in, June 26, 1861. 

Company K. Captain, William O'Sullivan, Jr.; First Lieutenant, Isaac 
L. Taylor; Second Lieutenant, John Hannigan. Recruited in Lawrence, 
Mass. Mustered in, June 27, 1861. 

The individual military record of each officer and enlisted man who 
served in the regiment appears in the Roster at the end of this volume. 



Madison Mott Cannon. 

Col. Madison Mott Cannon was the son of Madison Mott Cannon and 
Elizabeth (Townsend) Cannon. He was bom Feb. 17, 1840, at Salisbury 
Mills, N. Y., and died at Englewood, N. J., Feb. 11, 1892. His education 
was received in the public schools and at the New York Free Academy. 
He enlisted as corporal of Company I, 1st Regiment N. J. Inf., on June 4, 
1861, and was discharged therefrom Oct. 13, 1862, to accept a commission 
ae second lieutenant in the Mozart Regiment. His military record was 
very creditable and shows constant advancement, as will be seen in the 
account published on another page herein. 

At the time of his death Col. Cannon was in the Civil Service of the 
United States, and it may be said of him that the best years of his life, 
from early boyhood to the day of his death, were spent in the service of his 
country. While some of his promotions came because of casualties and 
resignations, several were for heroic service on the field of battle, and all 
were on the recommendation of superior officers who had the utmost con- 
fidence in him as a soldier. 

He had reached the highest grade possible in the Civil Service, through 
competitive examination, at the time of his death, and was an Acting Deputy 
Collector and member of the Civil Service Examining Board. He assisted 
in organizing the Fourth Universalist Church in Brookljrn, and was one of 
its trustees. He was a member of U. S. Grant Post, G. A. R., and cherished 
a deep interest in that organization. He was also a member of the Mihtary 
Order of the Loyal Le^on, which upon bis decease passed resolutions of 
respect and condolence. 

Col. Cannon was married Dec. 8, 1870, to Miss Annie Babson of Pigeon 
Cove, Mass., where she now resides. Five children were born to them, of 
whom Madison Mott, Mary Babson, and Annie survive. He was a loving 
husband and father, a brave soldier, a faithful public servant, and a 
Christian gentleman. 

The funeral services were held in the church he helped to build, and it 
was filled with comrades and sympathizing frienda. The interment was in 
the family burial lot at Pigeon Cove. 


The reorganization of our company afforded Capt. Ingalls an oppor- 
tunity to execute his pet project, and Lieut. Kenney was informed that he 
would not be recommended for a commission in the Mozart Regiment. 
As there was no choice of oflScers by the men imder the New York militia 
laws, we could not prevent what we considered to be a mistake, for Lieut. 
Kenney was bom in Arlington, and he had been elected First Lieutenant by 
his schoolmates and those who had associated with him from childhood. 
There was no appeal from the decision of Capt. Ingalls, however, and we 
saw Lieut. Kenney retire with deep regret. Later, Capt. Ingalls himself 
saw that he had made a mistake. Orderly Sergeant BaUou was promoted 
and Lieut. Kenney went back to Arlington. He subsequently enlisted as 
a private in the Second Massachusetts Battery, in which he was promoted 
to Sergeant. He returned from the war and became prominent in the 
Grand Army of the Republic, having served as Commander of Abraham 
Lincoln Post in Charlestown, where he resided. He died in 1904, and waa 
buried in Mount Pleasant Cemetery in Arlington. 

The return of our dissatisfied seceders to Arlington was followed by a 
tremendous volley of abuse that was hurled at us from the safe distance of 
300 miles, and we heard that they had created a sentiment there decidedly 
antagonistic to Capt. Ingalls, and that he was threatened with bodily 
injury should he return to Massachusetts. When these siUy remarks 
reached us, no attention was given them until the information came to us 
that Capt. Ingalls had been hanged and burned in eflSgy as a token of public 
odium. We began to bum also, but with indignation and anger at the 
injustice of such contemptible treatment. The wife and child of Capt. Ingalls 
were residing in Arlington, and he knew not if the insulting impulse might 
not extend to those who were dear to him, and he hastened to their pro- 
tection. Had we known then that these insults had been perpetrated by 
irresponsible youths intent upon excitement instead of insult, Capt. Ingalb 
might not have noticed the attempt to discredit him, but he was ignorant 
of the authorship of the outrage, and accompanied by several members of 
the company in their new uniforms, he went to the defense of his home 
and honor, where he arrived June 19th. 

Soon after his arrival, Capt. Ingalls learned the real situation, and that 
the selectmen had endeavored to ascertain who perpetrated the affront, 
but without success. He met other prominent citizens of the town and 
ascertained that they were as friendly and loyal to him as before our depar- 
ture. They assured him that they were as deeply interested in him and the 
company as they had ever been, and that their interest would continue. 
It waa gratifying for him to find that no indignity had been offered Mrs. 



Ingalls, who was unaware that he had been subjected to any ridicule. He 
saw no former members of the company, for evidently, fearing his anger at 
their dupUcity and falsification, they had hidden themselves from his 
vision. The selectmen were informed of the actual situation at Yonkers, 
and they expressed regret that so many of the company had deserted him, 
and congratulated him upon his fortitude amid the discouragements and 
trials he had encountered. They promised aid to the families and said 
that the monthly allowance voted by the town would be paid. All of this 
created a great change in the feelings of Capt. Ingalls and he returned to 
Yonkers in a happier frame of mind. 

On Monday, June 24th, we vacated the barracks and erected our first 
encampment. A large, open field in the Northern suburbs of Yonkers had 
been selected as our first camping ground. Surrounded by scenery of the 
most varied description, it was admirably situated and so near the placid 
Hudson, which flowed below the elevated plateau upon which our tents 
were spread, that cooling breezes were constantly wafted across the river. 
This first camp of the Mozart Regiment was named "Camp Wood," in 
honor of Mayor Wood, who had manifested constant interest in the for- 
mation and growth of the regiment. Moreover, he designed that the 
equipment of the regiment should be equal if not superior to that of any 
regiment that left the city. In addition to the uniform, each member had 
a heavy gray blanket, a heavy black overcoat, trimmed and lined with red 
flannel, and an India rubber cloth-lined blanket. We had ten baggage 
wagons of the United States pattern, and tents of heavy duck were pro- 
vided, but these were found to be a trifle smaller than the army size. This 
defect was rectified later, however, when Quartermaster Bliss had an oppor- 
tunity to exchange them for the regulation tents. We were also equipped 
with two twelve pounder brass howitzers, with which no other infantry 
regiment was armed. This honor came to us as a special favor from 
Mayor Wood. 

During our life at the barracks we had maintained only partial garrison 
duty, and the men were left quite free to go and come as they pleased. 
Consequently those inchned, undertook many rambles in the woods, and 
many trips upon the excursion steamers up and down the river, for which no 
charge was made to soldiers in uniform. I remember a visit to Tarrytown 
and Sing Sing prison, which is located on the river, twenty miles 
above Yonkers. The warden received us very cordially and personally 
escorted our party through the prison, which then was as noted as it is 

The citizens of Yonkers highly commended our behavior and became 
quite interested in us, and gentlemen with their wives often visited us at the 
barracks and later at Camp Wood. They sent us many dainties and luxuries 
from their own tables, and quite frequently we were served green com and 
other fresh vegetables from the gardens of private citizens, one company at 
a time. Our wanderings brought us in contact with some of the farmers in 
the vicinity and they seemed proud to welcome us at their homes. Several 
of our company habitually joined me in these excursions, one of whom was 
Sergt. Blood, who was loaned to us from Company G, when we were mus- 
tered, and afterward transferred back again in Alexandria. He had gone 


from Milford to Yonkers as a recruit for Company G after that company 
was mustered, and he was then eligible for muster with Company H. We 
frequently visited Farmer Houston, and were always welcome at his table, 
which was always burdened with the good things of life. But how the 
buckwheat cakes and hot biscuits disappeared when Sergt. Blood and Corpl. 
Floyd were guests, I will not here disclose. When we were at the front, 
Sergt. Blood often recalled those halcyon days and asked me when, perhaps, 
I was masticating a mouthful of tough "salt horse," how I would enjoy 
at that particular time a seat at Farmer Houston's table. It was simply 
tantalizing to think of it and positively exasperating to speak about it. Our 
farmer friend had a large heart and a large family, which included several 
young ladies who were not afraid of housework, and we often remained 
there, even after tattoo, so intent were we with whist and other entertaining 
games. I remember the strawberry field which Farmer Houston gave us 
liberty to visit at any time and regale ourselves upon the luscious fruit 
which was so plentiful as to waste upon the vines. Everjrthing that Farmer 
Houston had was free to us, and so great was his regard for soldiers that they 
were allowed to "own the farm." 

Now that we were in camp, the daily routine of camp duty was maintained. 
Our first attempt at pitching tents was not so entirely successful as we could 
have wished, but our efforts at guard duty were more satisfactory, and here 
at Camp Wood began my first experience as "Corporal of the Guard." At 
an early period of our existence as a company in Arlington, I had been 
designated to act as Corporal, to succeed a Mr. Child, who retired after a 
few days of military activity. I felt rather proud that Capt. Ingalls had 
selected me for his First Corporal, considering that I was a stranger and had 
no acquaintances in the company. We had everything to learn in camp, 
and military discipUne especially. Guard mounting was one of the earliest 
and easiest of our acquirements, and we learned it, as we did all other military 
movements, in a proficient manner. Reveille, retreat, and tattoo were 
inaugurated and maintained. 

I have said that the Arlington and Lawrence companies were not sworn 
into the service of the United States until June 27th. Capt. Ingalls had 
returned on the previous day and was in time for the interesting event. We 
were then at Camp Wood, but the other companies had been mustered and 
taken the oath in the barracks. We therefore held the honor of being mus- 
tered in the field. Upon the arrival of Capt. Cogswell, the mustering officer, 
Capt. Ingalls formed us in line, and when the roll had been called, 101 men 
had answered to their names. Each one in turn then went to the captain's 
tent for physical examination and to be measured and questioned about age, 
birth, parentage, color of hair and eyes. When all had submitted to the 
test, line was again formed and with hands raised and heads bared, we swore 
allegiance and to defend the United States for the period of three years. 
Three cheers were then given for the flag, and Col. Riley proposed three 
cheers for Company H and Capt. Ingalls. 

We were now real, genuine soldiers and proud of it. Our object had 
been achieved and we had overcome every obstacle that we had encountered. 
No one could think of our tribulations without gratitude that they were 
ended. But our hardships and sufferings, which we knew not of, had yet 


to come. In a letter written nearly a score of years after this event, 
Col. Riley alluded to the scene as follows: — 

May I ask you to join with me in the attempt to recall their faces as they all stood 
in line on this day, seventeen years ago, taking the solemn oath of aUegiance to their 
country's flag at Yonkers. Every feature animated with enthusiasm and patriotism 
as well as pleasure at being at last fully enrolled as Union Soldiers. With no fear of 
the future, but determined to dare all rather than fail in accomplishing the object they 
had in view when leaving their homes and families. Those true, courageous Northern 

At a reunion also, held at Brighton Beach Hotel, New York, in 1880, 
Col. Riley responded to the toast, "The Four Companies from Massachu- 
setts," and spoke an eloquent eulogy as follows: — 

There is no prouder feather in the cap of The Mozart Repment, than of having 
counted within its ranks the four hundred gallant soldiers from the Old Bay State. 
They left their State that they might enlist elsewhere to fight the battles of a struggUng 
Nation. They smothered within them the pride of State, which is strong, and justly 
strong in every American's breast, and came to New York to join the army of the 
Union. They did not ask that they be accepted as natives of Massachusetts. They 
were, all in all, last and all the time, true Americans, and sought only a chance to fight 
as such. 

Company drills now began with energy, but our antiquated arms had 
occasioned great disappointment. It was planned for the regiment to be 
equipped with Enfield rifles, which were almost exactly similar to our 
Springfield rifled musket. The arms were shipped to us, but when the boxes 
were opened it was discovered that a mistake had occiured and that our gmis 
were the smooth-bore muskets, such as we had used in Arlington. Our 
oflacers were dismayed at this discovery and they began an investigation, 
only to ascertain that our rifles had been unintentionally forwarded to a 
regiment in the field, and that no more Enfield rifles were available. We 
were thus forced to accept the muskets and with them we went to the front. 
But even without the expensive weapons, the cost to equip the Mozart 
Regiment was greater than that of any other regiment organized vmder the 
auspices of the Union Defense Committee, which reported that the cost to 
place us in the field was $67,099.83, while other regiments had been sent 
forward at a total expense of less than $50,000. We were now at last a 
regiment, duly organized, with an entire membership of 1024 men. The 
field officers were sworn in July 1, with rank to date from June 14, but Col. 
Cocks, although sworn in, was not commis^oned. 

Of these one thousand men, four hundred were credited from Massachu- 
setts, two hundred from Pennsylvania, and the remainder from New York 
City. In their material, these companies were excelled by none that went 
from their respective States. The men of New York and Pennsylvania and 
Massachusetts mingled their blood together on every battlefield in which 
the Mozart Regiment participated. For either state there was no cause to 
blush. The Mozart banners reflected in effulgent rays upon Massachusetts 
and Pennsylvania, the same as New York, the luster they garnered from 
the victory of our arms. The men from Arlington served in a regiment for 
which no apology had to be made, and imder a State whose loyalty was 
demonstrated every minute of every day of every year the war continued, 
and with men who represented nearly all of the ordinary walks of life. 


There was unity among these men from widely scattered homes, and they 
were men who inquired not from whence their comrades came, so that they 
touched elbows in mutual defense of an identical cause. These men of the 
Mozart Regiment were not only well disposed towards each other, but to 
their officers. A spirit of prompt obedience prevailed, and in general there 
was a manifest disposition to do the duty that patriotism and public safety 
demanded. I do not remember any quarrels or bitter disputes among these 
men, who were associated together in the cause that united them. There 
was no fighting among ourselves, and as long as a man performed his duty 
there were no questions asked about his antecedents, or where he was bom, 
or with what church or organization he was affiliated. We never even 
thought to ask ourselves if a man were a Protestant or a Catholic. In fact, 
I did not learn that our chaplain was a clergyman in the denomination 
(Methodist) with which I was connected, imtil very recently, although I 
was quite intimate with him in his intercourse with the men and his pro- 
fessional ministrations. It was enough for us to know that a man was there 
and that he was willing to serve his country to the best of his abiUty. 

The town of Arlington holds the honor of having sent a company of 
soldiers to the war who were so anxious to go and so afraid that they would 
have no opportunity to go from Massachusetts, that they stifled their pride 
and determined to go from a State that extended to them a hearty welcome 
into its valiant ranks. And considering that Arlington received credit for 
the Mozarters from Massachusetts on the next call for troops, and remindful 
of the brilliant record made by the company during the war, there was 
abundant occasion for the pride that banished the regret which originally 
prevailed. And no more than New York, does the patriotism of Pennsyl- 
vania and Massachusetts require a certificate of loyalty. The patriotism 
of neither of these three great states has to be defended, for side by side, 
in the hour of defeat or triiunph, their record was that of unswerving devotion 
to the union and its salvation. 

We had a great many visitors at Camp Wood from Yonkers and vicinity, 
and from New York City, including a large number of military men who 
were friends and acquaintances of our officers, several of whom had served 
with them in the militia and some in the United States Army. We had 
other visitors also, among whom were prominent men of the Union Defense 
Committee bent upon seeing that we were supplied with all the requisites 
for performing military duty. From the beginning, everybody interested 
in the Mozart Regiment or connected with it in any way, seemed to believe 
that it had a special mission, and that it was its only destiny to become 
noted m war annals. On Friday, June 28th, we held our first dress parade, 
and Company H appeared for the first time in the Mozart uniform. The 
reviewing dignitaries were Mayor Wood and several members of the Union 
Defense Committee who came up to Yonkers from New York by special 
boat. At about five o'clock. Mayor Wood, accompanied by his wife and 
daughter, were driven upon the camp ground in a carriage. Many others 
were present, including a large number of ladies. Regimental line was 
formed fronting the camp, and an exhibition in the manual of arms was 
given, after which occurred the regular formalities of dress parade. For 
a regiment that never before had imdertaken to march in review, the 


attempt was remarkably successful and it elicited applause from the spec- 
tators and commendation from the Mayor, who addressed the regiment, 
which stood at "attention," as follows: — 

Col. Riley and Soldiehs of The Mozabt Regiment: — In behalf of the Union 
Defense Committee, I must say that we have witnessed, with a great deal of gratificar- 
tion, the drill and exercise which you have given us, and we beg to return you our 
thanks. I am directed to say that we can have no doubt after the exhibition this 
afternoon, that of all the regiments which have left to support the Government in this 
crisis of the Union, few will do better service, or render a better account of themselves 
than this Mozart Regiment now assembled before us. (cheers) We are satisfied, my 
friends, that as long as your care is to support the majesty of the laws and the Consti- 
tution, the Flag will be gloriously maintained, (applause) I believe that no enemy, 
be he domestic or foreign, can ever wage a crusade against this country or her institu- 
tions as long as the citizen soldiery are prepared at a moment's warning to enter the 
field of battle and fight, (loud cheers) You are now on the eve of going away. You 
may be called Upon within a few short hours to lay down your lives in defense of your 
country. You may be called upon to leave, not only what is near and dear to you, 
but to give up every comfort, nay, perhaps every hope hereafter, upon the altar of 
your country's God, and remember, when you leave this field and this empire city of 
the mother State, you leave behind you hearts that beat warnJy for you — those 
who have sacrificed their property for your bravery and courage, (cheers) We will 
follow you on to Washington; we will follow your fiag to battle and we will remember 
you in our prayers, (cheers) 

The speaker concluded by exhorting the men to be obedient to their 
officers and never to desert the flag of their country. 

On Saturday evening, June 29th, a deputation visited us from the Yoimg 
Men's Christian Association, consisting of Rev. L. C. Lockwood, James E. 
CoUyer, and Amasa Vernon, and presented 500 hymn books adapted for 
the use of soldiers. Mrs. A. T. Stewart also contributed 500 testaments and 
50 hymn books through her pastor. Rev. Alonzo M. Brewer. The regiment 
was paraded and remarks were made by the clergymen, to whom the most 
respectful attention was given during the services, which terminated with 
the benediction. On the following day, Sunday, occurred the first reUgious 
service by our chaplain, Rev. William H. Gilder, the exercises consisting of 
singing, prayer, and brief remarks in reference to the duty of a soldier. 


Charles Hinman Graves. 

Col. Charles H. Graves was bom in Springfield, Massachusetts, in 1839, 
and the son of Rev. H. A. Graves, who was a Baptist clerg3Tnan, and editor 
of the Christian Watchman of Boston. At the age of eight years he went 
with his father to Kingston, Jamaica, West Indies, and resided there nearly 
four years. He received a common school education in Litchfield, Conn., and 
in Boston, Mass. His father died when he was twelve years old, and his 
mother died two years later. He was an only child and he inherited nothing 
except the memory and example of respectable, God-fearing parents. 
Thrown thus on his own resources, he found congenial employment as a 
clerk, and at the breaking out of the Rebellion, he was thus employed in 
Arlington, in the dry goods store of Prescott & Proctor, that was located 
on the first floor of the Town Hall, which now is used for a poUce station. 
In April, 1861, immediately after the attack upon Fort Sumter, he embraced 
the earliest opportimity to enlist in the miUtary company of Capt. Ingalls. 

In the first organization of the company. Comrade Graves officiated 
as a Corporal, but in the permanent formation at Yonkers, he was promoted 
to Sergeant, and was so mustered when the company was sworn into the 
United States Service on the 27th day of Jxme, 1861. At Camp Sackett, 
Alexandria, in November, 1861, Sergt. Graves was promoted to Second 
Lieutenant, as the result of a competitive examination between a number 
of the repmental non-commissioned officers, who were first suppUed with 
copies of the Army Tactics, by Col. Riley, and subsequently examined by 
him in their knowledge of mOitary evolutions. From this time forward, 
his military career was progressive and he was several times promoted 
"for conspicuous bravery" on the battlefield. He was first promoted from 
Second Lieutenant to First Lieutenant, and soon after to Captain. After 
serving as Captain of Company I for several months, he was detailed for 
duty on the staff of Gen. Kearny in June, 1862, as Ordnance Officer. He 
served in the same capacity on the staff of Gen. Stoneman and with Gen. 
Bimey as Inspector General of Division and Aide-de-Camp. In June, 1863, 
he served as Adjutant General of the Second Brigade on the staff of Gen. 
Graham. He was severely wounded at the battle of Gettysburg and sent 
to Gamacs Woods Hospital in Philadelphia. He returned to duty in 
September, 1863, on the staff of Gen. Bimey. He was appointed Captain and 
Assistant Adjutant General of United States Volunteers in 1863, and assigned 
to the First Brigade, First Division, Third Army Corps. Later, he was 
transferred to the Naval Brigade, Army of the James, on the staff of Gen. 
Graham. In 1864 he was transferred to the 10th Army Corps upon the staff 
of Gen. Bimey, who commanded that corps as Inspector General and Aide-de- 
Camp. During the election riots in New York City in November, 1864, he 
served there upon the staff of Gen. Joseph R. Hawley, with the rank of 
Inspector General. He accompanied Gen. Bimey to Philadelphia on his 
last iUness, in November, 1864, and was then appointed Inspector General 
and Aide-de-Camp on the staff of Gen. Alfred H. Terry, who commanded 
the 10th Army Corps. Holding that position he went upon the expedition to 
Fort Fisher, N. C, and for gallantry in the attack upon that stronghold 



he was promoted to Major and Assistant Adjutant General of United States 
Volunteers. For his gallant conduct at Gettysburg he was commissioned 
a full Lieutenant Colonel of Volunteers, and Colonel by brevet, in recogni- 
tion of his services through the war. 

After the war ended Col. Graves served as Aide-de Camp to Gen. Terry, 
who commanded the Department of Virginia. In June, 1866, he entered 
the United States Army (Regulars) and was appointed First Lieutenant of 
the 14th Infantry. In June, 1867, he was promoted to Captain of the 34th 
Infantry, and subsequently, was appointed Major and Lieutenant Colonel of 
the Regular Army by brevet, for gallant and meritorious conduct. He 
served as Inspector General and Judge Advocate General in the Department 
of Dakota until 1869, and on the plains of Dakota and Montana. He was 
afterwards transferred to the Department of the South, with headquarters 
at Atlanta, Ga. -In 1870 he tendered his resignation and voluntarily 
retired from military life after a continuous service of nearly ten years, and 
a record of participation in nearly every battle fought by the Anny of the 
Potomac and the Army of the James. 

After retiring from the army, Col. Graves went to Minnesota and engaged 
in business in Duluth, where he acted as President and Director of many 
large business corporations, and where he become prominent in political, 
social and business affairs. He served as State Senator in 1875-6-7-8, 
and as Mayor of Duluth in 1880-1881. He was speaker of the Minnesota 
House of Representatives in 1889. He is a Republican in politics, and was a 
delegate to the National Republican Convention at Chicago in 1880, and 
acted as delegate to numerous State Conventions, political, commercial, and 
economic. During his business career. Col. Graves inaugurated the com- 
mercial shipment of grain through and from Duluth, and from 2,000,000 
bushels of wheat per annum, the shipments have grown to 100,000,000 
bushels. The salt, lime, and cement trades of Duluth were begun by Col. 
Graves and built up to a successful stage. He has also been a heavy dealer 
and holder of real estate. Arriving in Duluth when it numbered only 
a few hundred inhabitants. Col. Graves has seen the city expand and grow to 
70,000 people, and to become one of the most important and thriving cities 
of the West. 

Col. Graves has been prominent in the Loyal Legion and Grand 
Army of the Repubhc since his retirement from military life, and has 
served as Senior Vice Commander in the one and as Commander in 
the other. Early last year President Roosevelt honored our comrade from 
Arlington with the appointment as United States Minister Plenipotentiary 
to Sweden and Norway, where he is now serving with legation headquarters 
at Stockholm. 

The accompanying portrait is from a recent photograph of Col. Graves 
at the age of 65 years, as he appears in the full dress uniform of a Colonel of 
Infantry in the United States Army, which he is entitled to wear at all 
functions and on all official occasions. 



Monday, July 1st, was a noted day in our life at Yonkers, for the whole 
regiment was entertained by the ladies of Yonkers with strawberries and 
cream, and quite a convivial scene ensued, during which the regiment was 
infonned by Col. Riley that the ladies were making a supply of towels 
(two for each man) and havelocks for the entire regiment. 

Our first battalion drill was held in Yonkers on Wednesday, July 3d. 
Col. RUey was extremely anxious to bring the regiment into effective con- 
dition, and therefore began its instruction at the earliest possible moment, 
and under some embarrassments, principal among which was the difficulty 
of finding an open field in the vicinity of the camp large enough for bat- 
talion movements. He overcame this difficulty, however, by utihzing a 
large pasture for his drill groimd. It was unsuitable because all over the 
surface of the ground were scattered small trees and clumps of bushes. 
But those were slight obstacles for such a resourceful officer as Col. Riley, 
and as it was the only available land to be obtained, its use was obligatory, 
or the regiment must advance to Washington ignorant of the simplest 
military evolutions. We were therefore exercised in the pasture, and 
when this first lesson in regimental tactics was completed, we had acquired 
much information in marching by the flank and in line of battle. Inci- 
dentally, we also learned how to "break files to the rear," which was 
frequently necessary to avoid the stimips and bushes we encountered. Not- 
withstanding these impediments, there was manifested by the men a zeal- 
ous determination and an earnest purpose to acquire the knowledge we 
knew it was necessary for us to possess. At the conclusion of the instruc- 
tive exercise. Col. Riley congratulated us and expressed perfect satisfaction 
with our initial performance. We expected to start for Washington on the 
following day and that our "colors" would be presented that afternoon. 
We returned to camp from our unusual exertions in the pasture somewhat 
fatigued, but still as eager to leam how to be soldiers. We foimd our 
rations waiting for us, and we ate om- beef and potatoes, and drank our 
coffee, with greater relish after our wearisome experience. 

Much refreshed, we were again summoned into line at three o'clock to 
receive our stand of colors, which had arrived on the steamer that brought 
Mayor Wood and a large delegation of military men and civil dignitaries 
from New York. In addition to these, a large number of ladies and gen- 
tlemen had assembled to witness the presentation ceremonies. Without 
any loss of time. Mayor Wood proceeded to address Col. Riley and the 
regiment. His remarks, however, were brief, but patriotic and eloquent. 

The reply of Col. Riley was equally brief and pertinent. He said with 
much feeling: "This is the proudest day of my life and the proudest day 



in the lives of these soldiers who stand before you arrayed in the accoutre- 
ments of war. I think I can say for them, that if one man returns, he will 
bring the flags with him, and though they be pierced with bullets and torn 
in the conflict of battle, they will never be stained with tokens of dishonor." 

Upon receiving the colors, the Colonel called for three cheers, and then 
deUvered them to the color bearers who had been temporarily appointed to 
receive them. At this moment another pleasing incident occurred that 
we were not anticipating. It was the presentation of an elegant and costly 
sword, belt, and sash to Col. Riley by Mr. B. L. Solomon, of the firm of 
Solomon & Hart, with whom Col. Riley had for several years been con- 
nected. It was a beautiful token of respect from loyal business men who 
thus expressed their interest in Col. Riley personally and in the cause he 
represented. The remarks of Mr. Solomon were extremely patriotic and 
highly commendable of our Colonel, of whom we were now prouder than 
ever. He responded with deep emotion and expressed the gratitude he felt 
at the honor of such a magnificent ^t and the sentiment it voiced. 

The colors were made of the finest material, and manufactured expressly 
for our regiment. The national flag, made of silk, was of the regular size, 
and surmounted by a gold eagle. The regimental flag was made of blue 
silk fringed with heavy gold bullion lace. On one side was the arms of the 
United States with the motto, "E Pluribus Unum," and on the other side, 
the Coat of Arms of the State of New York with the motto, "Excelsior." 
Above these mottoes was the inscription, "Mozart Regiment," and the 
date of organization. The guidons were made of white satin, with the 
rangle word, " Mozart," inscribed thereon. 

During the evening, marching orders were received and the Orderly 
Sergeant of each company was directed to promulgate the order to the men 
and notify them that the regiment would "strike tents" and "break 
camp" on the following morning. Everybody was in high glee that night, 
and singing prevailed throughout the encampment until "tattoo" reminded 
us that it was bedtime. When "taps" were sounded, not many lights 
went out, which signified that we were not in bed. In fact, no one thought 
of bed or sleeping until a late hour that night, when we awaited the dawn 
in a fever of excitement and expectation. And why should we retire when 
the hour of midnight would usher in the glorious Natal Day of the Repub- 
lic? At daybreak, when the first beams of sunlight illumined the atmos- 
phere from below the horizon, the camp was startled by two flashes and 
two loud reports from our brass howitzers. It was the salute of the Mozart 
Regiment to the Fourth of July, upon which day we were to start for the 
seat of war. To us all, it seemed propitious and indicative of our success 
that we were destined to begin our regimental advancement upon the 
Nation's Birthday. The morning salute that was so appropriately ordered 
by Col. Riley continued until thirteen rounds of blank cartridges had been 
discharged. At the first report the whole camp was instantly awake and 
outside of the tents. Had we been attacked by some unknown foe, or had 
we attacked the defenseless city that had sheltered us and given us so many 
proofs of friendship? What could it mean? It did not require many 
seconds to ascertain, and half dressed or in dishabille, the parade ground 
was filled with Mozarters, who became wild with excitement and enthusiasm 


when they comprehended the cause of the demonstration. Tumultuous 
cheers and shouts of gladness mingled with the explosions, which rever- 
berated back from the hills with tremendous volume of sound. There 
were all sorts of antics expressive of delight and happiness; some men 
danced; some ran; some played "tag" and "leapfrog"; some wrestled or 
sparred. It was all impromptu and continued until the rising sun told us 
that the hour for reveille had come and for hoisting the national emblem. 
The drums had hardly begun the "call " when we hastened (we ran) to the 
flagstaff and there, standing with the brilliant rays of the resplendent July 
sun bathing our bared heads in an effulgence of radiant light, we sang "The 
Star Spangled Banner," and "America." Citizens, who had by this time 
congregated in great numbers, told us later that the scene was the most 
impressive that they had ever witnessed, and that time would never efface 
it from their memory. Farmer Houston was there, and from tears in his 
eyes and emotion in his heart he could hardly express to me the thrilling 
sensations he had experienced at what he had seen and heard. 

Col. RUey made an impromptu speech saying that he thanked God for 
such a day, such a country, and such a regiment to defend it, and closed by 
proposing three cheers for the people of Yonkers, after which the Mayor of 
the city proposed "three cheers for Col. Riley and the Mozart Reg^ent." 
The colonel announced that the order to "strike tents" would be given at 
nine o'clock and the order to "break camp," as soon as the steamer arrived 
upon which we were to embark. 

Breakfast was served at six o'clock, and the intervening time until nine 
was at our disposal. Guard mpimting took place as usual, but there was 
hardly any need of camp guards, for orders had early been given to admit 
the public at the main entrance to the camp, but later in the day it became 
necessary to enforce military precautions on accoimt of the crowded condition 
of the ground. Long before the hour arrived for striking tents, our blankets 
and overcoats were rolled and attached to the knapsacks, wlidch also were 
packed with whatever articles we dedred to retain. Equipments we're 
polished and haversacks and canteens were ready to receive the rations we 
were to carry. As the hour of nine approached, instructions were issued to 
release the tent pins and hold the tents erect imtil a signal was given, at 
which the tents would be allowed to fall simultaneously, and this feat was 
successfully accomplished by a discharge from one of the howitzers, when 
every tent fell to the ground at once. The tents were then folded and 
packed into the baggage wagons, together with all of the cooking utensils 
and other camp paraphernalia. There was one wagon for each company, 
and twenty (A) tents for the enlisted men of each company, with three wall 
tents additional for the commissioned oflicers. 

Rations for two dajra had been cooked that morning of our departure, 
and before we started our haversacks had been well supplied with meat and 
crackers, and after the tents were packed in the wagons, we were ready to 
march and it was then barely past the hour of ten. Our Quartermaster, who 
had been sent to the landing, reported that no steamer was in sight. We 
were without shelter and the hot sun drove us to the shade of the trees 
surrounding the camp ground. At noon, no steamer had been signaled, 
but we patiently waited, meanwhile indulging in reflections. We did not 


care to meditate of home and the dear ones left behind to dwell in fear and 
trembling that we might never return. We preferred to think of the present, 
and live over again the last few weeks of our new and exciting existence, 
I had no reason for regret and I felt none. Our experience before arriving 
in Yonkers had been a great disappointment. But here, we had made 
new friends whose society we had enjoyed. Our food, both in quality and 
in quantity, offered no reason for grumbUng. The menu consisted of beef 
(fresh and corned), potatoes, bread and butter, beans, beef hash, soup, coffee 
with milk and sugar. In Brookljm, our ration consisted principally of soup, 
bread and coffee, for which thirty cents per day was paid the caterer for 
each man. In Yonkers, forty-five cents was paid the caterer, and the man 
who did not get enough to eat of good substantial food could blame no one 
but himself. 

It was two o'clock before the steamer "Red Jacket" was seen coming up 
the river, and as soon as the discovery was made, a messenger in waiting 
started for Camp Wood. Upon his arrival, we were ordered into line with 
all our equipments on, and were soon marching to the landing. A large 
concourse of citizens gathered to witness our departure on this "Glorious ■ 
Fourth," which to us seemed more glorious than any previous "Independence 
Day." Flags were flying all over the city, and our steamer, which was large 
and conunodious, was covered with the "National Emblem." 

Amid the shouts and cheers of the assembled throng, and the waving of 
innumerable handkerchiefs by the ladies of Yonkers, we marched on board 
df the steamer, and soon after, started upon our journey southward. At 
this moment, one of our howitzers on board was discharged as a parting 
salute to those who regretted our departure, yet were proud of our zealous 
determination to meet the foes of our country. We were now on the way to 
the destination for which we had so patiently waited and so arduously 
struggled to reach. Our hopes were at last realized. We were now real 
soldiers and were really advancing to the seat of war. And what gave 
us extreme satisfaction was the knowledge that we were in advance of all 
other three years' troops. We were the first three years' regiment to go 
forward from New York, and the Massachusetts regiments to which we might 
have been assigned under the latest call were far behind us, while the poor 
belated Brookl3m Phalanx, which was now called the First Long Island 
Volimteers, did not march until late in August. Even the 9th Massachusetts 
Regiment, imder Col. Cass, which was ordered to the front in May, passed 
through New York only one week in advance of us. The 12th Massachusetts 
Regiment, into which our captains had prayed the Governor to place us, 
and which became the pet of Boston merchants under command of the 
lamented Col. Fletcher Webster, son of our greatest statesman, was still in 
Fort Warren when the Mozart Regiment was marching into Virginia with 
the army of Gen. McDowell. Only one year later, Col. Webster fell at the 
head of his regiment, bravely fighting for what his illustrious sire proclaimed, 
"Liberty and Union, one and inseparable, now and forever. ' A month 
after we had embarked on the "Red Jacket" for Washington, the 14th Regi- 
ment was still in Fort Warren, and at the same time the 15th was in camp 
at Worcester, the 16th in North Combridge, the 17th at Lynnfield, the 
18th at Readville, the 19th at Lynnfield, the 20th at Readville, and the 


21st at Worcester. Had we been assigned to either of these regiments, our 
ambition to reach the field of action would not have been realized until 
many weeks after we sailed, July 4, on the steamer from Yonkers. Where 
now, were those wavering fellows who fled from us at Yonkers and who, to 
justify their flight, reported when they reached their homes in Massachusetts, 
"The Mozart Regiment is a myth?" Where were they, three weeks later, 
when the Boston newspapers announced that we were en route for Washington 
with 1046 men in line? We heard not from them and in their subsequent 
wanderings we took no interest. They were at home. We were "off for 
the war." We had nothing to regret and much to gratify us. 

We were to take train at Elizabethport, N. J., where we arrived at 5 p.m. 
Our train, consisting of nine passenger and twenty-three freight cars, was 
awaiting us, and we immediately embarked. The freight cars were for the 
enlisted men. No others were available, for there were less railroads then 
than at the present time, and the demand for rolling stock for the transpor- 
tation of troops and supplies could not be met without the use of freight 
trains for soldiers. Having expected such a contingency, we were prepared 
for it, and as we climbed into the close box cars, around the inside of which 
benches had been constructed, we thought only of reaching Washington, and 
were perfectly resigned to the prevailing conditions, which were unavoidable. 
And besides, we understood that a soldier's life was made up of hardships 
and sufferings as well as dangers and death. We were packed in closely, • 
forty or more in each car, and when our blankets were spread for sleep the 
floor was completely covered, with some reclining upon the bare benches, or 
sitting with the head resting against the side of the car. Some didn't care 
to sleep and remained awake until nature succumbed to overpowering 
physical exhaustion. Our first night on the train was one of great discom- 
fort, and so also was the day that followed, for although grand spectacles 
were constantly presented to our view, we yet suffered from the intense heat 
of our confinement in unventilated cars, the two side doors of which alone 
admitted light and air. 

Our route was by way of Reading, Harrisburg, and Baltimore. We 
passed through miles of wheat on either side of the railroad, ready for reap- 
ing. The whole country was picturesque and the landscape continually 
furnishing agreeable changes of the most beautiful scenery. We passed 
thriving farms and orchards full of delicious fruit, which we often tested as 
our train halted or moved slowly for other trains ahead of us to advance. 
The journey was tedious and we did not reach Harrisburg until late the 
next morning, where we tarried for an hour, which gave us time to build 
fires and prepare some coffee. Our extensive train was transported across 
the Susquehanna River on immense ferry boats. The novelty of this pro- 
ceeding attracted nearly the entire regiment, the bright moonshine making 
vision possible. Our next objective was Baltimore, and we didn't march 
around it, but through it. We arrived there at early dayUght of Saturday, 
July 6th. Notwithstanding it had been published in all of the newspapers 
that Baltimore was pacified and harmless, we were furnished with ball cart- 
ridges on the route between Harrisburg and Baltimore, with instructions 
to load our muskets. With what alacrity we obeyed the order, and with 
what impatience we tore open this first cartridge with our teeth, and with 


what eagerness we rammed it home into our smooth-bore muskets, can 
better be imagined than described. Although we did not expect it, we 
hoped for a fray in Baltimore, and we were just aching for a chance to 
pepper the "secesh" in the "City of Monuments." Our sagacious Col. 
Riley wouldn't trust the honesty and integrity of the men who had either 
proved false to their solenm oaths or who had approved of the treachery of 
such men. Our cartridges were the best for a riot in the streets of a city 
for they were made of a bullet and three buckshot, which scattering, 
they go upon a mission of death, and thus each of us had a capacity of 
inflicting punishment on four miscreants instead of one, at every discharge 
of our weapons. The colonel had taken a wise precaution, but the early 
hour of our arrival had contributed to our safety, for the crowd that wel- 
comed us was comparatively small, although several hundred were present 
when we disembarked They followed us on the march through the city 
streets to the train that was waiting to convey us to Washington. There 
were no hostile demonstrations, however, except some half-suppressed 
hisses from a few hoodlums, who kept a safe distance from our line of march. 
They saw our bayonets fixed ready for a hand-to-hand conflict and from 
the determined impress of our faces, they gathered the conclusion that 
any attack upon the Mozart Regiment would be disastrous to themselves 
even if they were armed with concealed weapons as we supposed them to 
be. Every Mozarter felt proud he was there as we passed through this hot- 
bed of treason, and we were only hoping for some sign that would give us 
reason for teaching the traitors a lesson, if they had not already learned it 
from the Massachusetts boys they had cowardly attacked when they were 
not expecting trouble and consequently were unprepared for it. We 
reached, unmolested, our train of freight cars which was to convey us to 
the National Capital, and began at once a slow passage to the seat of gov- 
ernment, which did not terminate until late that afternoon, Saturday, July 
6th, after two days and two nights of tiresome traveling, during which 
we obtained no restful slumber. 

The railroad was guarded throughout the entire distance from Balti- 
more to Washington by the 6th Mass. Regiment, and as we passed their 
tents at intervals along the route, inquiries were made for those we knew, 
and many of us enjoyed the pleasure of greeting friends or schoolmates. 
This single line of railroad was the only route by rail to Washington and 
our faltering pace was due to the congestion of many trains which were 
carrying troops and supplies to the National Capital. 


Rev. William Hbnbt Gildbe. 

He was bom in Philadelphia, Sept. 17, 1821, and died at Brandy 
Station, Va., April 13, 1864. His father, John Gilder, was a member of 
the Pennsylvania Legislature, and laid the comer stone of Girard College. 
He was educated at Wesleyan University, and afterwards received the 
degree of A.M. from Dickinson University. At the age of 21, he became a 
preacher in the Methodist Episcopal Church and was afterwards ordained. 
In 1836 he made an equestrian tour of the Southem States, going as far as 
New Orleans. In 1840, he began the publication of the PkUadelphia 
Repository, a literary monthly, but discontinued it at the end of a year. 
Subsequently, he published for a few years in Philadelphia, the Literary 
Register, a quarterly review. Mr. Gilder in 1842 established Belleview 
Female Seminary in Bordentown, N. J., which in 1848 he removed to 
Flushing, L. I., and in 1857 it was chartered as a college. In 1859 he 
removed to Redding, Connecticut, and thence to Fairhaven, then to 
Yonkers, N. Y., and from there to Bordentown. As chaplain of the Mozart 
Regiment he won my admiration by his devotion to duty, his personal 
fidelity, and Christian character. He showed untiring zeal and excellent 
judgment in the performance of his duties. His conscience was untar- 
nished and his heart uncorrupted by contact with the prevailing personal 
strife to gratify worldly ambitions. His son, William H. Gilder, first served 
in the Mozart Re^ment, and was then transferred to the Regular Army. 
After the war he became noted as an explorer and journalist. Another son, 
Richard Watson Gilder, is now the editor-in-chief of the Century Magazine, 
and his writings adorn the pages of American Literature. A daughter, 
Jeannette Leonard Gilder, has achieved fame as a journalist and author, 
and her brother, Joseph B. Gilder, is associated with her as one of the editors 
of Pvinam's Monthly. Another brother, Robert Fletcher Gilder, has 
lately won fame as an archaeological discoverer of relics of primitive man 
near Omaha, Nebraska. 

Chaplain Gilder died a martyr to duty and gave his life as truly and 
bravely to his country as any soldier who died at the cannon's mouth. 
While the regiment was in winter quarters in 1864, he viated the hospital 
to offer rehgious consolation to the sufferers there, and contracted small pox, 
of which he died. In time of battle he was often on the firing Une, regard- 
less of the danger he encoimtered. He laid down his life for his country, 
and his name deserves to be inscribed upon ever-enduring granite, for he 
was indeed one of the most heroic volunteers of the war, and to them 
belong its unfading laurels and its golden crowns. No truer or braver 
man ever wore the garb of Christianity. like the Master he served, who 
went about doing good. Chaplain Gilder sought for opportunities to visit 
the sick and minister to their spiritual necessities. Two days after his 
death, the officers of the regiment held a meeting to express their regrets, 
and suitable resolutions were unanimously adopted. 



When we disembarked from the train in Washington, it was discovered 
that our baggage wagons, containing the tents and camp equipage, had not 
arrived. They were loaded upon flat cars in EUzabethport, and made up 
another train that was supposed to follow us closely, but delay occurred at 
Harrisburg and again at Baltimore, where there was a transfer of trains. 
Preparations had not been made for us, but Gen. Mansfield, who had com- 
mand of all the troops in Washington, ordered us into spacious barracks on 
Pennsylvania avenue, in sight of the White House and the Capitol. We 
had expected to go into camp that night, but now it was uncertain when we 
should reahze that pleasure. As we marched through Pennsylvania avenue, 
we noticed that the public buildings were draped in mourning in respect to 
the memory of the late Senator Douglas, whose death had recently occurred 
after he had very strongly urged the maintenance of the Union against all 
assailants. As we marched to our quarters, we were greeted by immense 
throngs of people who cheered and waved their handkerchiefs in token of 
their appreciation. The rations with which we had filled our haversacks at 
Yonkers had now very generally disappeared and some of us were quite 
hungry, with no cook houses or commissary in sight. We had not to wait 
long, however, before immense kettles filled with steaming hot coffee arrived, 
together with some excellent bread that had been made and baked in the 
basement of the Capitol, where thdusands of loaves were daily served to the 
army. Fresh boiled meat was also brought to us, and with meat, bread and 
coffee, we made a satisfactory meal, after which there was singing and the 
usual diversions, for a short time only, because we were tired and needed 
the sleep we felt sure of enjoying. Repose came early to us that night, but 
not until we learned that our wagons and baggage had arrived. We then 
knew that the early morning would find us marching into camp. 

A beautiful Sabbath morning dawned July 7th, and immediately after 
reveille, the "Assembly" simimoned us into fine, and without waiting for 
breakfast, we filed from the barracks to the street. It was not much later 
than five o'clock when we marched up Pennsylvania avenue and out to the 
suburbs of Washington, not far from Meridian Hill, on land near Seventh 
Street. Our camp ground had aheady been selected and our wagons had 
preceded us to a superb location. Not a building was in sight within a mile 
of us, but the territory, then resembling a farming country, is now covered 
with palatial residences and peopled with men of prominence in the affairs 
of the nations of the world. Our first duty was the erection of tents upon 
the lines already staked. Only a few minutes were required to erect our 
canvas habitations, and then came the breakfast call. Our cook tents had 



been in operation from the earliest dawn, and we were again served with the 
ration of meat, bread and coffee. We ate with keen appetites and relished our 
food. The best spirit prevailed among the men, and not a word of discontent 
was uttered, although from that time onward, we began to find out what 
army rations were. After breakfast on that first Sunday in Washington, 
the time was occupied in making the interior of our tents comfortable. We 
had no straw or mattresses, and rubber blankets did not prevent a chiU from 
the ground, which resulted in many severe cplds. By direction of Capt. 
Ingalls, the corporals tented together m two tents according to rank, which 
brought EUis, Wiley, Teel and myself together. We associated not only 
amicably but happily, until after several months promotion separated us. 
When our tent had been erected in Washington, we started out to find cedar 
boughs with which to carpet our habitation. In Yonkers we were supplied 
with straw, but it was impossible to provide that aroimd Washington, and 
we decided that a flooring of evergreen would contribute to bodily health 
and be pleasing also to the senses. In the subsequent months, we continued 
the practice and found it beneficial, it being our custom at night to spread 
our four rubber blankets and two of our woolen blankets upon the boughs. 
Then upon lying down, we spread the other two woolen blankets over us, 
which was sufficient to cover the quartette and keep us warm. Often, 
however, there was only a trio to occupy our bed, on account of guard duty, 
for which one of us was nearly always detailed. In this manner we made a 
bed with fragrance deUghtful, upon which we enjoyed restful and refreshing 
slumber. When winter approached, however, we enlarged our tents and 
erected sleeping bunks, as wUl hereafter be described. 

In the absence of buildings, we had acres of cleared land upon which to 
drill and maneuver, and Col. Riley wasted no time before he was endeavoring 
to fashion the Mozart Regiment into what he wanted it to be. We had 
battalion drills in the morning and company drills in the afternoon. We 
worked hard to learn the lessons taught us; nevertheless, when we crossed 
into Virginia, we were stUl embryo soldiers with much to learn. 

The Mozart Regiment, like many others, was composed of all nationalities. 
The recruiting officers had opened its ranks to men from all parts of the civi- 
lized world. Every company had a composite organization, in which no 
single nationality predominated, except, as I have before stated, that Com- 
pany K was composed entirely of young men of Irish extraction, but princi- 
pally bom in America. The other Massachusetts companies had a generous 
number of them, but the majority of the other three Massachusetts com- 
panies were of New England Yankee origin. The Philadelphia companies 
were of more mixed composition. They contained more Germans than the 
other companies, and a greater proportion of men bom in foreign countries. 
The New York companies came from all parts of the State, and comprised 
men in whose veins flowed the blood of almost every nation, yet there were 
but few who were born elsewhere than in the United States. They were all 
good soldiers and did their duty upon the battlefield, and in camp, and on 
the march, else the Mozart Regiment would never have attained its record 
for bravery and its losses in battle. 

The routine of camp life gave us but little time for anything but drilling, 
which we really needed to become proficient in the art of war. Other regi- 


ments were encamped in proximity to us, but not too near to interfere with 
our work, which was that of drilling by companies. 

Congress was in session while we were in Washington, and one day I 
succeeded in obtaining leave of absence to visit the Capitol with Sergt. 
Durgin. We entered the senate chamber and saw our Massachusetts 
senators, Sumner and Wilson, in their seats, also Vice-president Hamlin, 
who was presiding. While we remained in Washington, Congress authorized 
President Lincoln to call for as many troops as he thought necessary, and 
appropriated the enormous simi of five hundred millions of dollars to prose- 
cute the war. But that was only a beginning. 

On Tuesday morning, July 9th, while Company H was drilling in the open 
field, there occurred an incident so startling that it has remained in my 
memory with a vividness characteristic of impressions that were caused by 
very much severer experiences. The second Rhode Island Battery was 
drilling not far distant from us, and while one section was galloping into line 
to complete some maneuver, a tremendous explosion occurred in one of the 
caissons with fatal effect. Our company, at the instant, was standing at 
attention and facing the unfortunate battery. My eyes happened to be 
directed to the rushing carriage as the explosion took place. Presuming 
that we could render assistance, Capt. Ingalls dismissed the company and 
we hastened to the scene of the catastrophe, when it was found that the 
limber chest was entirely destroyed, and that the two cannoneers who were 
seated upon it were dead. The others who were upon the body part of the 
caisson were seriously injured and one was expected to die. The horses 
were not crippled, although large splinters of wood were driven into the hide 
of the animals attached to the pole. The names of the soldiers killed were 
Corpl. N. T. Morse and Private William S. Bourne. Those wounded were 
Richard Thomley and Edwin E. Weeks. The accident was caused by a 
percussion shell, the cap of which was exploded by contact with the lid of 
the chest as the wheels jolted over the hubby ground. This event brought 
us to a realization of the horrible realities of war. 

There was considerable sickness among the Mozarters at this time, 
caused by exposure, to which we were unaccustomed, and to cold rains or 
lying on the ground in wet clothing. Some malarial fever had developed, 
and much coughing plainly told that the enemy which destroys more armies 
than bullets and bayonets, had appeared among us in force and commenced 
an attack. Surgeon Dexter, however, who was on duty on account of the 
retirement of Surgeon Thompson, began a crusade against the insidious foe 
and quickly triumphed. The colds soon yielded to his treatment, and when 
we marched into Virginia, a week later, we had no sickness in the regiment. 

A new experience came to me on Saturday, July 13th. We were then 
under strict army discipline, and the use of intoxicants, either in or out of 
camp, was prohibited, but a visitor had smuggled a quantity into camp for 
one of the men, who failed to control his appetite, and before he was aware 
of it, he had lost control of his senses. When discovered, he was taken to the 
guardhouse, and the next day was tried by court martial. He was found 
guilty of intoxication, and sentenced to carry his knapsack on his back, 
filled with rocks, for two hours around the camp, with his hands tied behind 
his back. Although the imfortunate culprit was not a member of Com- 


pany H, I was selected to execute the sentence. It was really a severe 
punishment, for the loaded knapsack must have weighed fifty poimds at 
least. I pitied him and released him fifteen minutes before the expiration 
of the time limit. He never indulged to excess again, and it had a restrain- 
ing influence upon others. 

One of the most interesting events that happened while we were in 
Camp Scott occurred on Tuesday, July 16th, when, at an early morning hour, 
Judge Parmenter arrived from Arlington. He was a welcome visitor, for 
we had heard that he was coming as the almoner of Arlington's generosity. 
We had not yet been in service a month, and the stipend voted to us by 
the town for three months from the time we were mustered in, was not yet 
due. Nevertheless, anticipating our necessities. Judge Parmenter had 
come to relieve them. We had received no pay from the United States 
Treasury, and we could not expect any before the September payment, and 
even had our pay rolls been made up to July, we should have received only 
four days' pay, and that would be the merest trifle. But we saw not the 
paymaster until many weary weeks after we saw the cheerful countenance of 
Judge Parmenter. He brought shining gold with him, and he seemed as 
happy to dispense it as we were to receive it. Each married man received 
twelve dollars and each unmarried man received six dollars, in accordance 
with the vote of the town. Aside from the pleasure we derived from the 
improvement in our exchequer, we enjoyed the visit of Judge Parmenter 
because it assured us of his continued interest in the company. The money 
could have been forwarded to Capt. Ingalls for distribution, but Judge 
Parmenter desired to see for himself and learn by observation what could 
not be told him. He became acquainted with Col. Riley and the other 
officers, and he witnessed a regimental drill and a dress parade of the 
regiment. He expressed great surprise at our proficiency and he went 
home to tell the people of Arlington that they need not feel concerned for 
the volunteers from that town, because they were connected with a regiment 
of which any state, or city, or town might feel proud. He had seen our 
camp, our wagons and howitzers, and uniforms. He saw the discipline 
that prevailed and he knew that the Mozart Regiment was capable of doing 
good execution. We still wore the New York uniform, which Judge Par- 
menter declared was "very becoming." Two fugitive slaves came to our 
camp before the departure of Judge Parmenter and he held quite an inter- 
esting talk with them, but really more amusing than interesting. They 
spoke a sort of dialect that was characteristic of the peculiarities of speech 
ever3rwhere among the Southern negroes. They had deserted their master 
in Virginia, and wanted to go with us. Col. Riley took one for a servant and 
Capt. Burke took the other. We had for several days expected marching 
orders and they came, directing us to break camp on the following day, 
which was Saturday, July 20th. As early as four o'clock that morning, we 
were astir, and at five, the tents fell together. All is excitement when a 
regiment is ordered to break camp. Everybody is busy packing knapsacks, 
rolling overcoats and blankets, filling canteens and haversacks; and all is 
bustle but without confusion. We ate breakfast hurriedly and at six o'clock 
formed in hne with all equipments on. We carried heavy loads, but that 
made no difference, for we were ordered to Virginia and we were happy to 


belong to the invading army. We marched from Camp Scott with light 
hearts and quick steps, not because we disliked Washington but because 
we were getting nearer the rebels. We passed through Pennsylvania 
Avenue singing "Way Down South in Dixie," and thousands of spectators 
cheered while the ladies waved innumerable handkerchiefs and distributed 
havelocks. We were to take steamer, and as we drew near the wharf, there, 
within sight, stretched the historic Potomac, and below was the city of 
Alexandria, which was our destination. Upon arriving at the deserted 
city, we disembarked and marched about one mile beyond the city, past the 
Marshall House where Col. Ellsworth was killed, and encamped on the ground 
recently abandoned by the 5th Penn. Re^ment, which had advanced with 
the army to Manassas. Long before noon, our camp had been erected and 
the cooks were preparing dinner. We had only to pitch our tents where 
the tents of our predecessors had stood. These tents had been floored with 
boards which were allowed to remain, and we found them very acceptable. 
This camp, which we called Camp McDowell, was located just on the 
outskirts of Alexandria at the base of Shuter's Hill, and not exceeding one 
mile from the business section of the city. We were not long destined to 
occupy this camp without interruption, however, for on the foUowing day, 
Sunday, was fought the battle of Bull Run, and at three o'clock that after- 
noon we were ordered to march. We moved immediately in light marching 
order, except Companies E and G, which were detailed for guard duty in 
Alexandria. We marched to the city, then to the Orange and Alexandria 
railroad station, distant about one mile, where a train was waiting for us. 
We embarked and started without delay in the direction of Bull Run. We 
heard the distant roar of the cannon, and of course concluded that was our 
destination. We loaded our muskets on the train, and made all the necessary 
preparations for meeting the enemy. We proceeded, however, about 
fifteen miles only, or almost to Fairfax Court House, and there ascertained 
that we were to guard the railroad and telegraph. We were picketed along 
the railroad, two men being left at the several posts, which were about three 
rods apart. Our line extended about five miles and the men were all posted 
before dark. Preparations were made for the night and fires were built for 
boiling our coffee. Our haversacks contained bread and beef and we were 
very comfortably situated for our first bivouac. The battle had apparently 
ceased before sunset, and there seemed to be nothing to fear. We hopefully 
conjectured that our army had triumphed, and nothing occurred to disturb 
that presumption until the early morning, an hour before daybreak, at 
which time some of our troops passed, on their way to Alexandria, and 
informed us that the Union army had been defeated and was then retreating. 
It was not long before the unwelcome news was confirmed by other retreating 
regiments, and how our hearts were saddened by the unexpected intelligence 
can be conjectured when it is remembered that we had started with bright 
anticipations of engaging in a successfid battle and sharing the honor of a 
glorious victory. While still at our posts along the railroad, thousands of our 
soldiers passed us and we heard many details of the battle. Our troops did 
not appear to be dispirited but simply said they had been outnumbered and 
that they were anxious for another fight upon more equal terms. A constant 
stream of weary men with besmeared faces wended their way onward seem- 


ingly as brave and determined as when, a few days before, they marched 
in the opposite direction confident of victory. Several regiments of New 
Jersey troops, who had not been engaged in the battle, were the only soldiers 
who manifested any alarm, and they were hastening back to Alexandria 
with accelerated pace. These were the only demoralized troops we saw, 
and they were surely in a state of evident alarm, hurrying on to reach a 
place of safety and saying to us, "The Black Horse Cavalry are coming and 
will gobble you up if you stay here." We remained there on duty several 
hours after they had passed us and saw not the dreaded Black Horse Cavalry, 
which before the battle had achieved a reputation for daring raids in front 
of our pickets, several of whom had been captured. It was now raining, and 
wet clothing added to the discomforts of marching. We waited until all 
the organized bodies of our troops had passed, and only small squads of 
stragglers were occasionally coming from the front. We now received 
orders to return, and after marching about five miles we entered our train 
and returned to Camp McDowell, which we reached soon after ten o'clock. 
The completion of this tour of duty during the Battle of BuU Rim fixed La 
our minds the fact that we belonged to the army of Gen. McDowell and were 
a part of his reserve forces. It does not appear, however, in any of the 
official reports, that there was any organized body of reserves at this time. 
Nevertheless, we acted under the orders of Gen. Runyon, who detailed us to 
guard the railroad, and assigned us to duty in Alexandria, both before and 
after the battle. These were important details of the campaign, and had 
the Mozart Regiment not been available to perform the duties assigned us, 
a detail from the main army would have been necessary. It therefore seems 
that some one neglected to give us the official credit to which we were 
entitled in connection with the Bull R\m Campaign. 

The whole country on the Virginia side fronting Washington was now 
thronged with soldiers in all conditions and circumstances, and they 
extended for miles up and down the river. Many of them had discarded 
their muskets and all other equipments that coidd impede their retreat, 
consequently all they possessed was what they were wearing. Many 
continued their flight to Washington, but there they were stopped, and 
order soon grew out of chaos. On the Virginia side, Gen. Runyon and his 
aids were busy in giving directions and assigning regiments to positions. 
The largest portions of the army were scattered, and men who were seeking 
their regiments found it difficult to locate them. It was a most discourag- 
ing sight to witness these men as they came in over the turnpike, and a 
description of the scene is impossible. Even conmianding officers came 
in to Alexandria alone, and I very well remember Col. Clark of the Uth Mass. 
Regiment, as he passed our camp, the picture of abject despair. Horses 
were too tired to trot and they were covered with Virginia mud of the 
brick-red color so characteristic of the "Old Dominion." Its "staying 
qualities" were simply wonderful and it clung to men as well as to animals. 

At four o'clock that same Monday afternoon, Company H received 
orders to proceed to Alexandria for guard duty and relieve Company E, 
which had quite an experience on Sunday with the city police. When the 
company was detailed for duty as we departed for Fairfax, Capt. Gotlieb 
reported at the headquarters of Gen. Runyon and received his instructions. 


As the people of Alexandria were pronounced and defiant rebels, Capt. 
Gotlieb found it difficult to obtain a building in which to quarter his com- 
pany, but making a virtue of necessity, he boldly marched them to the 
Ctourt House and politely requested the keeper to open the building for 
military use, which request was refused. Capt. Gotlieb then demanded 
admission in the name of the United States Government, which demand 
was also refused. Having no alternative, and being surrounded by a crowd 
of the rankest rebels, he broke the doors open, and giving the word of com- 
mand to his company, "forward march," the company, with a shout, forced 
their way into the building, where they made themselves comfortable, and 
established a guard at important points within the city streets and public 
squares. Alexandria had been placed under martial law and soldiers were 
not allowed within the city Umits, and every person on the streets after 
10 o'clock was challenged, and if the coimtersign could not be given, the 
person was conducted to headquarters and detained until morning. While 
I officiated as Cbrporal of the Guard that night, only one man was arrested 
and I heard of no trouble during the remainder of the night. Perhaps the 
tremendous rain storm that prevailed contributed to the public peace, but 
the city was so well guarded and soldiers were so strictly excluded from the 
city that all trouble was prevented. It was not long after this, however, 
that a soldier committed an offense for which he was sentenced to be hanged, 
and to make the punishment as impressive as possible, the entire division 
was massed in view of the gallows where the criminal expiated his crime. 

My diary mentions, under date of Tuesday, July 23d, that our regiment 
was reviewed that afternoon by President Lincoln and the Secretary of 
War, Hon. Simon Cameron. I do not remember this event and it is prob- 
able that Company H was on duty at that time in Alexandria. Doubtless 
the President was anxious, and how could it be otherwise under the cir- 
cumstances? But the Battle of Bull Run taught him and his advisers that 
there was splendid fighting material in that army and that it only needed 
efficient leadership to insure victorious fighting. This battle was a novel 
experience and was really thrust upon the Commanding General by public 
clamor. The result of the encounter displayed to our forces the reality of 
war in all its terrible phases. It showed that the conflict would be severe 
and must be fought to the end. The battle was lost practically because 
the enemy was reenforced at the opportune moment, and partially 
because of the impulsiveness of our troops, who were imdiscipUned and 
therefore uncontrollable at the critical period of the battle. 

Bull Run was a sad victory to the rebels, and the loss of the Southern 
army was very much greater than was supposed at the North. Gen. 
Beauregard declared his belief at the time that three or four Southern men 
fell to every Northern soldier. Be this as it may, Richmond, after the 
battle, was veiled in mourning. Scarcely a family that was not smitten. 
It was a victory that spread mourning and desolation over the South, for 
hundreds of the most beloved and cherished perished on that fatal July 
day. They had gone forth in the confidence of youthful hope and mis- 
taken patriotism. No sounds of rejoicing were heard, such as are usual 
after a victory. No song of triumph was sung and the people began to 
realize the horrors of the war they had so recklessly created. The wounded 


were day after day carried into the city of Richmond in every conceivable 
condition of mutilation and writhing in the agony where mortification has 
already supervened, or where the stupor exists that generally precedes death 
by violence. 

After this battle the people of the North were subdued and they did not 
again insist upon army movements which did not command official approval. 
The battle also taught the rebel leaders that the North would fight the 
same to maintain the Republic as it had fought to establish it. The vital 
problem now to be solved was how to transform these imdisciplined vol- 
imteers into a formidable army. 



Albeet Shebwin Ingalls. 

Albert Sherwin Ingalls, son of Thomas and Sophia Ingalls, was born in 
Rindge, N. H., Dec. 29, 1830, and was one of the many natives who sur- 
rendered their lives in the cause of their country. Having enjoyed liberal 
educational advantages at Appleton Academy in New Ipswich and at Dart- 
mouth College, for several years he was a popular teacher in high schools and 
academies at Wayland, Westminster, and Dedham, continually cherishing 
the intention of entering upon the practice of law whenever his circum- 
stances would permit. He read for his profession in the offices of Hon. 
Charles R. Train of Framingham, of Wood & Bailey and of Norcross & Snow 
of Fitchburg. Upon his admission to the bar, he commenced the practice of 
law in partnership with Hon. J. W. Mansur of Fitchburg. In 1859 he 
removed to Arlington, where he was successfully engaged in professional 
labors until he entered the army. 

During the fighting before Richmond in the summer of 1862, he received 
a wound, which rendered necessary the amputation of his right leg. He was 
removed to Annapolis, Md., and for several weeks his recovery was con- 
fidently expected by his physicians and friends, but he died Aug. 11, 1862. 
A newspaper of the time contained the following accotmt of the burial of 
Maj. Ingalls: — 

His remains were conveyed to Arlington, Mass., where they were received by 
the town authorities, citizens and Masonic brothers, with every demonstration of 
respect and affection, the places of business being closed and the flags at half mast. 

Maj. Ingalls had many warm and true friends in his adopted home, and 
previous to his death, he received the following expression of the esteem in 
which he was held there : — 

To Major Albert S. Ingalls in Hospital in Annapolis: — We, the inhabitants 
of West Cambridge, in town meeting assembled, having been pained to hear of the mis- 
fortune which has befallen you in the loss of your limb on the field of battle before 
Richmond, defending our dearest rights, tender to you our kindest sympathies, with 
the hope that your life may be spared and that you may live to finish what your 
patriotic zeal so well begun. It gives us pleasure to assure you that all reports attest 
to your lofty courage and daring before the enemy. For your self-sacrificing zeal in 
our country's cause, you are entitled to our gratitude, and the gratitude of future 

His remains were conveyed from Arlington to Fitchburg, and thence to 
the residence of his aged parents in Rindge, where the burial took place. 

He married Harriet A. Miller, daughter of Sylvester and Lucy Miller, and 
one son was bom to them, who died in early youth. Mrs. Ingalls is still 
living, but as the wife of Mr. Charles F. Bradbury of Chelsea. 

Ex-Congressman Rodney Wallace of Fitchburg, who married a sister of 
Maj. Ingalls, erected a stone library building, a few years before he died, on 
the old Ingalls estate in Rindge, and presented it to the town, naming it 
" The Ingalls Library. " See Roster. 



Gen. McClellan soon took command of the shattered army and began its 
reorganization. Our camp was located on the main road to Fairfax, and 
the city of Alexandria was plainly visible. While here we performed guard 
duty in Alexandria, and had frequent reviews and parades additional to our 
daily practice drills, and they became still more frequent as we became more 
proficient in executing military movements and evolutions of the line. But 
we had other duties than those of drilling. There were daily fatigue parties 
detailed for the construction of the fortifications which were erected to protect 
Washington from an invading army. These intrenchments were erected in 
the form of an arc of a circle reaching from Fort Lyon below Alexandria to 
Fort Corcoran above the Chain Bridge. These forts generally crowned the 
summits of eminences, in front of which the forests were felled by experienced 
axmen from Maine. I remember to have watched from our encampment, 
the disappearance of. these forests, and as giant after giant was seen to fall 
along the edge of the woods, the forest seemed to melt away and disappear 
as snow gradually dissolves from the hillsides in the springtime. The intense 
heat of the summer interfered with all mihtary operations, and work as well 
as drilling was often suspended on that account, with the thermometer 
ranging from 95 to 105 degrees, through July and August. The men engaged 
in the trenches and in building corduroy roads were excused from all other 
duty, but the details from each company were changed daily. 
)tas We did not long remain at Camp McDowell, and Aug. 15th, Col. Riley 
decided to move the camp up the slope of Shuter's HiU, a distance not exceed- 
ing one-eighth of a mile, where we established Camp Runyon, which was 
named in honor of Gen. Runyon, who did not long retain command in Alex- 
andria after the Battle of Bull Run. He had reached the age for retirement, 
and at his own request, he was relieved, and Gen. McCall assumed command. 
He was highly conmiended by Gen. McDowell for his zeal and efficiency. 
Shuter's Hill was crowned by Fort Ellsworth, and its heavy columbiads, 
manned by U. S. Naval gunners under Com. Dahlgren, were ready to inflict 
punishment upon rebels in revenge for the death of the gallant soldier whose 
name the fort commemorated. Camp Rimyon was located upon slightly 
sloping ground, the surface of which was smooth and well adapted for a drill- 
field. Upon this ground we erected our first flag pole, which was eighty feet 
in height. Our flag was thirty feet long, and all the troops in the vicinity 
acknowledged that the Mozart flag outranked all others. At about this time, 
we sustained a loss in equipment that caused us some regret. Gen. McClellan 
issued an order that all artillery in possession of infantry regiments should 
be surrendered to the government, and our howitzers, to which we had become 
attached, were sent to the navy yard in Washington. These cannon had 



been used at our reveille and retreat, and the discharge at sunrise and sunset 
was the signal throughout the vicinity for raising and lowering the flag. We 
became accustomed to annoyances and disappointments as the months 
passed, and we soon adapted ourselves to the loss of our howitzers. 

In addition to all other duties, we continued to perform guard duty in 
Alexandria, in our turn, and it seldom happened that there was not one of our 
companies thus employed. We enjoyed the change, however, because it 
relieved the monotony and ennui of camp life. Incidents were continually 
occurring of a more or less startling or interesting nature, one of the earliest 
of which happened at Camp McDowell, on dress parade, July 31st, when one 
of the members of Company I was shot by a stray rifle bullet that was fired 
from Shuter's Hill, or possibly from Fort Ellsworth. It was, no doubt, 
accidental, but who discharged the rifle could not be ascertained. The 
missile struck its victim upon the head in such a manner that it glanced off 
and did not penetrate the skuU. The scalp was torn and a painful wound 
resulted, but it was successfully treated at the regimental hospital. Another 
very sad event occurred soon after this incident at Camp Runyon, that 
resulted in the death of John Hughes, a member of Company A, who was 
universally known throughout the regiment as " Yar Ho. " How he obtained 
this nickname, I do not recall, and my diary fails to mention why he was called 
by the strange appellation to which he answered. My recollection and 
record of the casualty is, that he "ran the guard" after he was refused leave 
of absence. He thus defied authority, and a Corporal's Guard was sent after 
him with instructions to "bring him into camp, dead or alive. " When he 
was overtaken by the Corporal, he fled and was ordered to halt, but he con- 
tinued on, and the Corporal ordered his men to fire, which they did with fatal 
effect. Death seemed to have been instantaneous, and a guard was placed 
over the body until an ambulance was sent to bring it into camp. Yar Ho 
paid the penalty for his disobedience, and his fate taught us the value of 
military discipline, which necessarily must be severe and unrelenting in 
enforcing its mandates. I do not remember who gave the order in this 
instance or who executed it, and it is better, perhaps, to keep the knowledge 
eternally buried. Yar Ho was the first member of the regiment to die. 

We had scarcely got weU settled in Camp Runyon, on the slope of Shuter's 
Hill, when a new lesson was taught us by our masterful Col. Riley, who was 
exceedingly resourceful in adopting expedients for our instruction. It was 
on Monday night, Aug. 5th, amid a pouring rainstorm at near the hour of 
midnight. A night alarm was planned, and when the time arrived to exe- 
cute the order, the camp was wrapped in sleep except the sentinels and their 
officers on guard. Suddenly, the long roll aroused us from our slumbers, and 
we knew at once that it signified an attack by the enemy. In exactly two 
minutes, as we afterwards learned, we were under arms and in line of battle. 
In those days, no one thought of sleeping except "upon our arms" and in full 
uniform. The Orderly Sergeants had been warned, and consequently were 
half expecting a night alarm, but no others, except the Colonel, had any 
intimation of what time it might occur. After we were in line, Col. Riley 
commended our promptness, and we were dismissed to our tents, where again 
we wooed the God of Sleep. These alarms at night were frequently repeated 
until they became unnecessary because our military education had pro- 


gressed beyond the point that required such an educational feature. We had 
learned what to do and how to do it in case of a real night attack by the 

In the meantime, the reorganization of the army proceeded, and while we 
were in Camp Runyon, provisional brigades were formed, consisting of six 
regiments each, the purpose of which was to provide for any sudden attack 
or other emergency, before the permanent organization had been completed. 
Under this scheme, the Mozart Regiment became temporarily associated with 
the Seventh Brigade of the Foiui;h Division, Army of the Potomac, under 
command of Col. 0. 0. Howard, as Acting Brigadier General. The brigade so 
organized was composed of the 11th and 38th New York, the 2d and 3d New 
Jersey, the 11th Massachusetts and the Mozart Regiment. Col. Howard 
organized the 3d Maine Regiment and led it into the Battle of Bull Run, 
and his record upon that sanguinary field secured him early promotion, of 
which this provisional assignment was only the preliminary. 

For the first time since we were mustered into the army. United States 
Army officers visited us at Camp Rimyon, and inspected our arms and 
equipments to ascertain their condition. We were formed in line of battle, 
and the full form of inspection followed. At the conclusion of the cere- 
mony, the officers were invited to limch with the Colonel, and they remained 
until evening, during which they were entertained with music by the 
Mozart Singing Club, which consisted of the four sergeants of Company H, 
and myself, viz. : Durgin, Cole, Graves, Snow, and Floyd. We held a service 
of song every evening in the Sergeants', Tent, and my memorandum states, 
" We commence by reading a chapter in the Bible, and close in the same 
way. We sing hymns principally, interspersed with songs, both patriotic 
and comic. We all like the service, and we have a large crowd around the 
tent before we are done." Later, the club was enlarged, and embraced 
almost everybody in the Company. Comrade Frost was the acknowledged 
chorister, and we were often sent for to entertain distinguished visitors at 

But Company H did not contain all of the musicians in the regiment, 
for the Milford Company boasted of some who had been professionals or 
who were well qualified for professional honors. They had ordered their 
instruments from home, and had been preparing for several days to give a 
performance. But Chamberlain's tambourine had not arrived. Neverthe- 
less, it was decided to join in the celebration of " Flag Day," even without 
the tambourine if necessary. The hour for Retreat was selected for the flag- 
raising, and when the time arrived, the flag was raised, amid cheers and a 
salute by the full Drum Corps. Then we all sang "The Star Spangled 
Banner" with salvos from both of our howitzers. Supper was then ready. 

A platform had been erected in the Company street upon which the con- 
cert was to take place. All of the regimental officers had been invited, 
and camp stools were provided for them and their guests near the stage, 
and in the rear surrounding the stage there was standing-room for all the 
regiment. The programme opened with negro minstrelsy. Stanley had the 
bones, and Chamberlain was there with the tin cover of an iron boiler for a 
tambourine. A violin and guitar completed the instrumental outfit. Stan- 
ley's bone manipulations were excellent, and Chamberlain managed to keep 


time with his tin tambourine if he did not contribute any music. Some of 
the jokes were extremely laughable, and it so happens that the most laugh- 
able are the least suitable for reproduction in print. My diary mentions 
no other names, and the songs were unrecorded. Following the minstrels 
there was a dance by one of the comrades, a song by another, and a violin 
solo. After these numbers, the elephant "Columbus" was introduced by 
his trainer and manager, Major Fletcher (who was then a private), who 
stated that the animal was known to be more than 1000 years old, and 
that it had cost many thousands of doUars to educate the beast to perform 
the tricks they would presently witness. The tricks consisted, in part, of 
standing upon three feet, " shaking hands with his feet," kicking with the 
hind legs, etc. The audience was permitted to ask questions, and many ot 
those propounded, having been previously rehearsed, were extremely 
humorous, and some of them so ridiculous as to make them unrepeatable 
verbally, as well as unreportable in print. The elephant was made up 
quite artistically, with head, trunk, and tail to resemble the genuine animal. 
Two comrades personated the legs, their heads and bodies being covered 
with gray blankets stuffed with straw, and they performed the so-called 
"tricks," which were so simple as to be ludicrous. Unfortimately, I did 
nc* record the names of the personators. The entertainment concluded 
with fireworks, which consisted of moistened powder in piles upon the 
ground, each one of which burned several minutes. It was a very pleasant 
hour, and illustrated the versatility of the Mozart Regiment and the vivacity 
of the Mozart entertainers. 

On the day of the Flag Raising and the Grand Concert by Company G, we 
received the first United States Army uniforms that Uncle Sam supplied to 
us. It was the "regulation blue" cap, blouse, and trousers without over- 
coats. We did not immediately wear this uniform excepting the blouse for 
fatigue duty, which was thinner and more comfortable in summer than the 
New York jacket, and it was not until several weeks later that we were 
ordered to discard the suits furnished us by the Union Defense Committee 
at Yonkers, and don the blue uniform. Even then, the New York over- 
coats were continued in service, but finally, late in autumn, the light-blue 
army overcoat was issued to us, the delay in obtaining them having been 
caused by the utter impossibility of immediately equipping the army with 
clothing, the cloth for which had first to be spun and woven. 

The benignant face of Judge Parmenter again appeared while we were 
at Camp Rimyon, and how glad we were to behold him, can be conceived 
when I inform my readers that we had not then received a dollar from the 
government, in consequence of which the dollars in our pockets were few 
indeed. It was near the middle of August when this second golden visit of 
Judge Parmenter occurred, and although I received only six of the shining 
coins, no money I ever received was more welcome. It did not require 
many minutes for the Judge to unburden himself, and after he had disposed 
of his treasure, he declared that his mind had been relieved as well as his 
body. He was told how much the money was needed;' he saw our joyous 
faces, and it made his heart glad. He told us the news in Arlington, and 
Orderly Sergeant Gould entertained our distinguished guest with some of 
Private Busteed's baked beans. Not to be outdone in hospitality. Sergeant 


Durgin regaled the Judge upon green com pilfered from the enemy, and he 
declared it to be the best he ever ate, even without butter, which we could 
not supply, as our larder was sadly deficient of that appetizing substance, 
as well as all other similar luxuries. Judge Parmenter was facetiously 
informed that the com had been filched from a neighboring cornfield, and 
he remarked that he proposed to indulge regardless of the legal precept that 
"the receiver is as guilty as the thief." He remained in camp one night as 
the guest of Capt. Ingalls, and that evening "Ed. Frost's singers," as we 
were called, entertained a crowd in the Captain's tent with some choice 

On Sunday, Aug. 11th, Sergt. Durgin and myself visited the camp of the 
5th Maine Regiment, which was located two miles in advance of Camp 
Runyon. One company of that regiment was recruited La the town (Saco) 
where I was bom, and another was partially raised in the town (Limerick) 
where Durgin was bom, consequently we were acquainted with many of the 
members of those companies and with some in other companies. We foimd 
them in good spirits, although not fully recovered from the shock sustained 
at the Battle of Bull Run. Some of them had received supplies from home, 
and we were served with rare viands, which were all the more appetizing 
because they had come from the grand and beloved State of Maine. We 
had the pleasure a few weeks later, of entertaining some of the Maine boys 
who had been so generously hospitable to us, at our own camp, where we 
endeavored to reciprocate. On the way back to camp that day, we passed 
inviting fields of corn, only one of which was unprotected. From this 
field we gathered and filled our haversacks with plump ears that were in 
exactly the right condition for boiling or roasting, and we went into camp 
loaded with the unripe but succulent maize. Other fields of com we passed, 
displayed the United States flag, in accordance with a proclamation of 
Gen. McClellan, who notified the inhabitants to display the flag if they 
desired their property to be protected, and wherever the flag floated, all 
soldiers refrained from committing the depredations they would have been 
free to commit had "Old Glory" been invisible. 

At about this time, another expedient to promote proflciency in the 
manual of arms and company movements was announced by Col. Riley. 
He offered a five-dollar gold piece to the best drilled company in the regi- 
ment, and every captain began at once to prepare for the contest. When 
the day appointed for the test arrived, the regiment was formed in line on 
the parade ground, and each company participated. The prize was won by 
Company G, under command of Lieut. F. A. Johnson, whose story of the 
achievement is best told in his own language, as follows : — 

When each company was called by the Colonel, they marched out by the flank to 
their position, fifty yards in front, and center, facing the regiment. The Colonel called 
the first company on the right, then the company on the left, alternating from right to 
left, which brought Company G the last company to drill. When G was called, the 
men were all lying on the ground. Not a man moved vmtil I stepped in front and gave 
the order, " Attention, Company G, " when every man sprang up and into line. Then 
I gave the order, "Forward, gviide left, march." We marched out to our proper 
distance. I then gave the order, "By the right flank, right file into line, march.'! 
The Company was at a "Support Arms," and as each man came to the new line, ho 
halted and brought his gun to a " carry. " When the last man came up, the line was as 
straight as an arrow. I then gave the order, " Order Arms, ' ' and every gun went down 


with a click, when the regiment broke out in cheers. Cheer after cheer was given, and 
the applause came so unexpectedly that my knees shook so I could hardly stand. 
When I recovered myself, I faced the Colonel, saluted, and asked for orders. He told 
me to put the Company through the Manual of Arms and Company movements, mak- 
ing a wheel at double-quick. I was facing my company to direct the wheel, and 
backed up against a stump and fell to the ground, but got on my feet again and out of 
the way of the company. You would have thought it might break up the line, but it 
did not. Every man attended strictly to business, and the regiment gave more cheers. 
Well, we won the prize, and received the money. The judges were Col. Riley, Lieut. 
Col. Egan, and Maj. Halstead. 

It would be like the play of Hamlet, with the character of Hamlet elimi- 
nated, to finish my story of hfe at Camp Runyon without referring to the 
good health of the regiment that prevailed there. We occupied the camp 
nearly three weeks, and notwithstanding the extreme heat, there was not a 
man in the hospital when we broke camp. We attributed this largely to 
the use of water strongly impregnated with sulphur, which we did not at 
first reUsh, but which we soon preferred. A sulphur spring was located at 
the boundary of our parade ground, that bubbled from the bottom of a 
shallow brook of the purest fresh water. A barrel had been inserted in the 
stream, and from it we dipped the strongly charged sulphur water which we 
all freely drank. A quarter of a century later, I visited this salutary phe- 
nomenon, and there it bubbled from the same moss-covered barrel, as in 
days of yore. And likewise, I found the taste unchanged. 

We were ordered to strike tents at Camp Runyon, on Thursday, Aug. 15th, 
and we departed from the camp ground reluctantly, for we never expected 
to find another location which combined so many advantages. We moved 
two miles up the Leesburg Turnpike, where our camp received no official cog- 
nomen, but I find my correspondence of that time dated at "Camp Riley," 
which I probably adopted in the absence of any authorized designation. 
Later my letters were dated at "Camp Sedgwick." We were now nearer 
the enemy, for Munson's Hill, only a few miles distant, was strongly fortified 
and occupied by a large force of rebel troops. It was here that we received 
our numerical designation, notice of which was sent to Col. Riley from 
Gov. Morgan at Albany, to the effect that thereafter the regiment would be 
known officially as the 40th N. Y. Vol. Inf. At this time also, our Provisional 
Brigade was disbanded and a permanent brigade organized, consisting of the 
38th and 40th N. Y. Regiments and the 3d and 4th Maine Regiments, under 
command of Acting Brig. Gen. John Sedgwick. These three regiments with 
which we were now associated, had been engaged in the Battle of Bull Run, 
and they were commanded by officers, each one of whom won distinction 
and promotion to the rank of Major General. Gen. Oliver 0. Howard was 
Colonel of the 3d Maine, Gen. Hiram G. Berry was Colonel of the 4th Maine, 
and Gen. Hobart Ward, who had served in the Mexican War, was Colonel of 
the 38th New York. With Col. Riley, our Brigade had a quartette of Colonels 
that was unequaled by any Brigade in the Army of the Potomac. And had 
Col. Riley not met with the misfortune that will hereafter be explained, and 
that compelled his retirement from active service, I am certain that he 
would have reached the same military eminence. 

The following letter, written on the day we vacated Camp Runyon, 
contains information so condensed that I venture to insert it verbatim. 


Alexandria, Va., Aug. 15, 1861. 
Mt dear Pabents, 

This morning at four o'clock, we were awakened by the beating of drums as usual, 
and ordered to prepare for removing our place of residence. A shout of joy burst from 
our lips, as it was thought we were to start for Fairfax, but no one except Col. Riley 
knew for a certainty, and he wouldn't tell where we were going. At five, our knap- 
sacks were packed, and we immediately struck our tents, which were soon safely loaded 
in the wagons. After eating some good beefsteak for breakfast, with excellent coffee, 
we formed in line, and were soon on the march towards Faiifax. Every one of wa felt 
joyous, and I never saw a happier looking set of men in my life. But our joy was of 
short duration, for after marching a little more than two miles, we filed off to the right 
into a field of clover. Here we were shown our company streets, as the Colonel marked 
them; then filing into them, we stacked arms, unslung knapsacks, and commenced 
pitching our tents, which always follow close behind us when we move from one camp 
to another. It is now two o'clock, and I am sitting in my tent upon a nice bed of 
cedar boughs. The first things we do, is pitch our tent, dig a trench around it and cut 
a bed. The reason for the change, I do not know. The grounds are not so large as 
before, but nearly as desirable, for we are on the side of a hill. Perhaps the reason we 
came here is to bring the Brigade together, and perhaps a forward movement is to be 
made soon. We shall send pickets out to-night — four men from each company. We 
have never done this before, for we have never been nearest the enemy. 

The weather has changed a little. Yesterday it was very cold all day. The wind 
blew quite hard, and last night we found that all the bed clothes we had were not any 
too many to keep us warm. Some of the boys say they suffered, but if they did, it was 
because they were careless and removed their clothing. I went to the brook this 
morning to wash, with my overcoat on, something I have never done before ; and after 
washing, was obliged to go to the cook tent to warm my hands. So you can form some 
idea of the weather here. To-day it is very hot, and to-night it will probably be very 
cold. I used to wonder how a person could contract "fever and ague," but now I 
understand very well. We go to sleep at night in our tents, perspiring, and we awake 
at midnight, shivering. I do not trust myself to go out in the evening without my 
overcoat on, and in the daytime I do not allow myself to sit upon the ground without 
my rubber blanket \mder me. 

Your affectionate son, 


Although we were officially known as the Fortieth Infantry, we retained 
the name "Mozart Regiment" all through the war, and were repeatedly 
mentioned in the official reports of Conmianding Generals as "The Mozart 
Regiment." We were better known by that name in the army than by any 
other, unless, after the first year, it was that of "The Forty Thieves." This 
appellation was given us by other regiments which thereby credited us with 
greater foraging ability than they could themselves claim. Where other 
bodies of foragers would return with empty hands, the Mozart foragers 
always succeeded in finding valuable plunder. Chickens, pigs, sheep, hams, 
and bacon that had escaped the search of earlier seekers for spoils, became 
the easy prey of the Fortieth. Not only bams and sheds were invaded by 
the remorseless Mozarters, but habitations Ukewise. A Mozarter would find 
a hidden smokehouse which others had failed to discover, and so in pleasantry, 
and not in opprobrium, we received the sobriquet, "Forty Thieves;" and 
as we marched along the dusty roads of Virginia, past halting regiments, 
they often saluted us with " Here come the Forty Thieves. " It often became 
necessary in the army to provide for ourselves, for there were many weary 
weeks when, to survive, it became necessary to steal. Not, however, in the 
sense of stealing as the thief wrongfully seizes the property of another and 
appropriates it to himself. We took whatever our hands could find to take, 


by the inexorable right that the exigencies of warfare have established among 
aU nations. In his official report of the battle of Wilhamsburg, Gen. Kearny 
spoke of us as the "Fighting Fortieth," and thus it appears that if we made 
a reputation for stealing, we also made one for fighting. 

Our life at Camp Sedgwick was not dissimilar from what it had been 
elsewhere, except in one particular. Until then we had never performed 
picket duty, but now, being in advance and nearer the enemy's lines, we began 
the untried routine of picket duty. We were attached to the left wing of 
the army, and our picket Une was about ten miles long, extending from 
Munson's HiU on the right, to a point below Alexandria and encircling aU of 
our fortifications, but some four miles in advance of them. Our camp was 
located on elevated groimd, three miles from the Potomac, and exactly on 
the opposite side of the road was the camp of the 3d Maine Regiment. The 
river could be seen from our encampment, also the city of Alexandria. Fort 
Ellsworth was visible two miles distant, but partially hidden by forests. 
South of us could be seen the Theological Seminary, which comprised several 
brick buildings and extensive grounds, with splendid groves and pleasure 
parks. When Virginia was invaded in May, the school closed, and the faculty 
and students fled to join the Southern Army. The buildings were in our 
possession, and from the lofty cupola of the chapel, which Gen. McClellan 
used as an observatory, rebel troops could often be seen crossing the fields 
some three nules distant, or engaged in buUding earthworks. 

Our troops were daily employed in the construction of forts, the entire 
chain of which was not completed for many weeks. We heard aU sorts of 
rxmiors at this time, one of which was that our Brigade was to advance 
several miles towards Fairfax and begin a new line of intrenchments. We 
were delighted with this prospect, because it promised to bring us nearer the 
enemy. At last we thought the time had come, for the regiment was ordered 
to prepare to march with equipments, but before we finished our preparations, 
the order was countermanded and another was issued assigning the four 
Massachusetts companies to fatigue duty at the fort under Capt. Westcott 
and Lieut. Ballou. 

Capt. IngaUs had suffered a painful intestinal attack while we were 
at Camp Runyon, and he obtained leave of absence to visit Boston for 
treatment. He obtained speedy reUef and returned to duty, arriving at 
Camp Sedgwick, Aug. 18th. He was given a hearty welcome by the com- 
pany, and seemed to be greatly pleased at his reception. His first order 
upon resuming command, was "Fall in for a bath." We had several times 
visited the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal for bathing, and when Capt. Ingalls 
gave his order, every man ran to his tent for soap and towel. We greatly 
enjoyed these occasions, and nothing was allowed to interfere with this much 
appreciated indulgence. To reach the canal, quite a march was necessary, 
but that was no discouragement, and the march itself, without arms and 
equipments, was gratifying, because there was no constraint, and military 
discipline was relaxed. We marched "route step," and there was perfect 
freedom in conversation, which was interspersed with jokes and laughter 
in which the officers joined. Upon this particular occasion, an incident 
happened that indelibly impressed Aug. 18, 1861, upon my mind and 
memory. We were marching "by fours" along a narrow cross-road through 


the forest, mirth and merriment prevailing, when suddenly there came from 
the woods a hornet at lightning speed, and in less time than I can tell it, he 
had stung me upon the right upper lip. I cried out with the severity of the 
pain, and staggered backward at the violence of the shock my nerves had 
sustained. Capt. Ingalls halted the company and examined the wound, 
after which he advised me to return for surgical treatment, and I reluctantly 
wended my way back alone to camp. When I arrived there, my Up was 
terribly swollen, and I was suffering intense pain. Surgeon Dexter appUed a 
lotion that reUeved the pain, and then a salve that coimteracted the poison, 
but several days elapsed before the swelling subsided enough for me to eat 
sohd food. I had many times heard the maxim, "as mad as a hornet," but 
I never before realized how mad a hornet could be. This particular hornet 
was the maddest hornet I ever saw or heard of, either before or since that 
time, and I am as much puzzled now as I was then to accoxmt for the awful 
wrath of that vicious representative of the insect world. 

I have stated that discipline was relaxed upon our bathing trips. So 
also, upon fatigue duty, and when marching thereto and therefrom. But at 
other times, not a word was spoken in the ranks, for such is the army disci- 
pline. The soldier who intends to do his duty always understands the neces- 
sity and value of discipline, and to him it is never irksome or even disagreeable, 
but there are some who are easily disturbed at the slightest restraint. But 
when a soldier refuses to do as he is told, he is punished severely. No one is 
allowed to speak disrespectfully to his superior oflScer. At one time, 
a member of Company K said he would kick one of the Corporals. He was 
reported to Capt. O 'Sullivan, who immediately sent the offender to the Guard 
House without his supper. In the morning he was court-martialed, and 
sentenced to stand three hours with one foot on the top of one barrel and the 
other foot on top of another barrel, with the barrels three feet apart. This 
was severe punishment, not for what was done, but for what was said. 

Our first installment of army brogans arrived Aug. 18th, and they were 
greatly needed, as those we wore from Yonkers were now quite dilapidated. 
Much has been said in disparagement of the army brogan, but I declare 
without hesitation, that there never was an easier covering for the feet of 
soldiers than this same shoe of such Uberal, if not elegant, proportions. 
I never knew a comrade who wore the army brogan, to complain of sore 
feet, and I say this irrespective of long marches and extended service. The 
wide heel and broad sole of the army brogan promote ease and comfort in 
marching; but when I knew we were off on a long march, I invariably 
apphed soap to my stockings, which had the effect of relieving a large portion 
of the friction occasioned by walking. This treatment alwa3rs prevented 
ordinary foot-soreness and blistering. 

Those who never witnessed the violent showers that prevail in the 
summer season in Virginia, can form no idea of their severity. They came 
at all hours of the day and night, and often interfered with military opera- 
tions. One morning at Camp McDowell, in late July, we encountered a 
vexatious predicament, occasioned by one of the copious showers we so 
much dreaded. The cooks had planned to give us beefsteak for breakfast, 
but just at the time they should have been cooking the juicy sirloins, torrents 
of water had invaded the kitchens and formed a pond with the cook house 


in the center like an island in the ocean or an oasis in the desert. When 
the time arrived for breakfast, the 106 pounds of steak drawn for the meal 
were still uncooked, and breakfast was delayed until the storm ceased and 
the waters subsided. Breakfast that day was not served until nine o 'clock, 
and it was served to a crowd of ferociously hungry soldiers, each one of 
whom ate his pound and wished for more. 

On accoimt of the dampness, our ever-watchful Col. Riley ordered every 
tent struck on the morning of Aug. 21st, to dry the ground after a severe 
storm that continued two days. On the following day, the first review of 
our Brigade by Gen. McClellan was held. We marched about one mile from 
camp into a large, grassy field where also our brigade commander. Gen. 
Sedgwick, had preceded us. At about noon, Gen. McClellan arrived with 
his staff and cavalry escort. Our howitzers saluted him with 13 guns, and 
the review proceeded in the prescribed manner, and at its close. Gen. 
McClellan complimented our regiment very highly. Addressing Col. Riley, 
he said, "Colonel, I congratulate you upon the looks of your regiment. 
Their appearance is gratifying and flattering." None of us had seen 
Gen. McClellan before that time, and our first impressions of him were very 
favorable. Under date of Aug. 18th, I wrote to my mother as follows : — 

There is some talk here among the Massachusetts men, that Gov. Andrew will call 
us home at the end of three months. If he does, I shall have the privilege of seeing 
you, but don't depend too much upon it, for you may be disappointed. Fruit is very 
plentiful here now. We can buy watermelons for ten cents each, and peaches for 
twenty cents a peck. Two of our companies are on guard duty down at the city, and 
one went out on picket last Thursday night and has not returned. They went about 
five miles towards the enemy. 

This regiment has the name of being the best in Virginia, and I am sure that there 
is no other under a higher state of discipline. It is complimented by all, and in all 
battalion movements, I have seen no other regiment that maneuvers better. I am 
perfectly satisfied with the regiment, and Col. Riley is a perfect gentleman. All 
respect him, and he sees that we are well cared for. No regiment lives better or is 
better provided with clothing. We have so much that it is diffictilt to carry it from 
place to place. On the other hand, there are regiments which have nothing to eat but 
hard bread and salt meat. This is the fault of their officers, and they are much to blame. 
Do not borrow any trouble about me. I have no fear of being killed, but on the con- 
trary, I feel perfectly safe, and if I do lose my life in defense of the " Stars and Stripes, " 
what matters it? I shall die in a just and noble cause. 

During August, we had intervals of very rainy weather, and our work., 
at the fort was much interfered with. On Tuesday, Aug. 27th, we were 
ordered to sleep with our equipments and overcoats on and guns at our 
sides. We retired at "tattoo," expecting a night attack, but we were not 
disturbed. Several regiments passed our encampment the next morning, 
on the march to Bailey's Cross Roads, and an expedition started for Fairfax, 
from Fort Corcoran, consisting of infantry, cavaby, and artillery, and when 
near the place they put a body of rebel cavalry to flight and recaptured 
several tons of hay that had been stolen from the bam of a Union farmer 
who lived between the lines on neutral ground. 

Perhaps some readers will wonder how soldiers can go quietly to bed 
after making preparations for an expected attack, and believing they may 
be called to battle before morning. But a soldier thinks only of the present; 
and does not worry and fret about the future. When the time for action 


arrives, he must be prepared for it, and nothing is allowed to interfere with 
that serenity of mind which contributes so much to a soldier's efficiency. 
The following is an extract from a letter to my father, dated Aug. 29, 1861. 

At noon on Tuesday, August 27th, our ears were saluted with the order from Capt. 
Ingalls, " Every man put on his blue uniform and equipments, and prepare for a fight." 
In a few minutes the order had been obeyed with alacrity and delight, and we were 
immediately called into line, and given forty rounds of ball cartridges each. We were 
expecting to march at once, but it appears that the rebels were driving our pickets in 
for the purpose of taking possession of a hill about one mile beyond Bailey's Cross 
Roads, and seven miles from our camp. Two or three regiments of Infantry were 
dispatched to the scene of action, and eight pieces of Artillery. That night, we were 
ordered to sleep with our equipments on and with our guns at our sides. Nothing 
transpired during the night, but yesterday some smart fighting occurred between the 
opposing forces at that place. Heavy firing was heard in that direction this morning, 
and doubtless by this time we have regained possession of the hill. We have not 
much fear of a general attack at present. If we should be attacked, the result would 
certainly be very disastrous to the rebels, for we are strongly fortified and have a large 
army. At the time of the alarm on Tuesday, the prospect of a battle was hailed with 
joy and enthusiasm. All countenances wore a cheerful look, as we were engaged in 
filling our cartridge boxes, canteens and haversacks, and much disappointment was 
manifested when we learned that the fray was settled without us. 

The following is quoted from a letter to my father, dated Sunday, 
Sept. 1, 1861. 

It was very hot to-day, but last night was the coldest I ever knew in August. 
Last Friday, the four Massachusetts Companies were ordered to put on their equip- 
ments and march under command of Capt. Westcott, acting as Major, and Lieut. 
Ballou as Adjutant. We all thought that the time had now come for a fight, and we 
were in great glee, but we were doomed to disappointment. Our destination was 
about three miles from here, and the work to be done was the building of a large fort. 
There were about 600 men at work when we arrived, but since then, there have been 
1800 men at work night and day. This morning we went up again, and at ten o'clock 
we were relieved. A rebel battery is located about two miles from the fort we are 
building, and it is plainly visible with the naked eye. The men are averse to working 
on Sunday, but they know it is necessary, and submit checirfully. No one can imagine 
when or where a fight will occur. We are hoping that the rebels wiU attack us, and we 
are confident that we can. give them an awful thrashing. There are two other forts 
now building, one on each side of ours distant about one mile, and besides the men 
working on the forts, there are two hundred men cutting trees and burning them. 
Our fort is a large one, about 100 rods long in front, with a ditch fifteen feet wide and 
six feet deep. 

The fort upon which we had been so industriously employed since our 
arrival at Camp Sedgwick approached completion early in September, and 
it was named Fort Murphy, in honor of Col. McCloud Murphy, of the 15th 
N. Y. Engineers. On Wednesday, Sept. 4, a flag was raised within the 
inclosure, at which time 3000 soldiers jumped upon the ramparts and gave 
three hearty cheers for the Stars and Stripes, which floated in sight of the 
enemy on Munson's Hill, where they haw a battery. This fort was ahnost 
entirely built by the Mozart Regiment, imder the direction of skillful army 
engineers, who declare that no fort within the fortifications of Washmgton 
is more substantially constructed. The intense heat of the summer inter- 
fered with the work on the fortification, and it was often suspended on that 
account. The thermometer ranged from 95 to 105 through July and August, 
but notwithstanding the torrid weather, the morning and evening drills 
continued, but the men engaged in the trenches or in building corduroy roads 
were excused from drilling. 


At this time there were more rumors that the Massachusetts Companies 
were to be transferred to a Massachusetts Regiment, and there were many 
at that time who beheved it would be advisable to carry out that scheme, 
but later it became the universal impression that the change would have 
been unwise. It is a fact, however, that Gov. Andrew applied at this time 
to the War Department, asking for our transfer to a Massachusetts Battalion; 
then stationed at Fort Monroe. 

As indicating the imcertainty of prospective army movements, our cooks 
were ordered to keep two da3^' rations cooked, and on the day the flag was 
raised over Fort Murphy the entire brigade was under marching orders, 
which were countermanded later in the day. The news of the capture of 
Fort Hatteras was received with much joy by the troops. Gen. McClellan 
issued a general order containing intelligence which was read to us at 
dress parade. It elicited three rousing cheers from each jegiment while 
in line and a salute was fired at Fort Ellsworth. 

My first picket duty was on Wednesday, Sept. 4, and my experience is 
best told in the following extract from a letter to my mother: — 

Camp Sedgwick, Alexandria, Va., Sept-. 6, 1861. 

Mt Dbab Mother : — I promised to tdl you what picket duty is as soon as I went 
out on picket. We started last Wednesday with four sergeants, four corporals and 
forty men, and commenced relieving the old pickets, when about four miles from camp, 
and extending them two miles farther out. The reserve was stationed at a plantation 
owned by a Mrs. Scott, where several rebel officers were captured a few days before we 
arrived there. There is only one Picket Post beyond this house, and that was assigned 
to me, with five men. It was on a high hill, half a mile beyond the Reserve. I 
relieved the pickets on this Post at about ten o'clock and we immediately commenced 
arrangements for dinner. A small shanty had been built for shelter, and a camp 
kettle had been carried there for the use of the pickets generally. A cornfield was on 
our left, owned by Mrs. Scott, and one man went for corn, one for wood and another 
for water. To make the story short, we had a good dinner of beef, bread, cheese and 
green com. After dinner, I sent two men foraging for something for supper. They 
returned in a couple of hours, with potatoes, string beans, cabbage, peaches and apples. 
We had a feast on fruit before supper, and when that was ready we had another feast. 
Just before dark, Maj. Halstead rode up, and as he was " Officer of the Day, " I formed 
the men in line and saluted him by presenting arms. He then told me not to occupy 
the hill at night, but at dark to go down to the edge of the cornfield where we could not 
be seen so easily. Two men stood guard while the others slept, and they were relieved 
every two hours. The night passed and not a rebel was seen or heard, notwithstanding 
this was the Advance Post. The pickets wear their eqmpments all the time, awake 
and asleep, and never leave the Post without their muskets. We were relieved at nine 
o'clock the next morning, and we came away in a drenching rain storm. The reason 
I asked to be assigned to the outpost was because it was the post of danger, being 
nearer the rebels. We arrived in Camp at noon, when I found that my rubber blanket 
had protected me from the rain. I took cold, however, but it is only slight. 

The pickets we relieved had seen the rebel pickets, and as Gen. McClellan had 
forbidden picket shooting, some of the Union pickets had met the rebel pickets on 
neutral ground and made exchanges of various articles. I saw a rebel cap with the 
letters A. V. C. on it, which were the initials of the Alabama Volunteer Cadets. I also 
saw some envelopes which were sent from Gouldsborough, Ga. It appears tliat the 
rebels do not use postage stamps, for upon those I saw, the words, "Paid 10 Cents," 
were stamped upon them. An increase of 7 cents postage on every letter, is one of the 
blessings conferred by the Southern Confederacy. The pickets meet after laying down 
their arms, after which they approach each other. They shake hands and converse 
together and exchange their articles, then return and resume their muskets. 

Since our return from picket duty, I learned that the rebel pickets have been 
withdrawn the same distance we have advanced, which accounts for not seeing them 
as I had anticipated. 


On the Sunday following, Sept. 8th, our company was assigned to 
picket duty again, and what happened there is related in a letter, of which 
the following is a copy: — 

Camp Sedgwick, Alexandria, Sept. 9, 1861. 

Dear Pahentb : — I should have addressed you yesterday but our Company was 
ordered in the morning, to report for picket duty. It is now noon, and I have just 
returned without seeing or hearing a rebel. We went to the same place as before, but 
I occupied a much more responsible Post, being stationed near the Mansion House of 
Mrs. Scott, on the Fairfax Road. I had six men with me, and was ordered to let no one 
beyond that station without a Pass signed by Gen. Franklin or Gen. Montgomery. 
Our breakfast this morning, consisted of one turkey, three ducks, and three chickens 
with bread, potatoes, apples and peaches. Mrs. Scott has a farm of 700 acres, and 
owns at the present time, about thirty slaves. I had quite an interesting talk with one 
of the slaves, who was a man thirty years old, and a very inteUigent negro, notwith- 
standing that he had never been at school a day in his life, as he informed me. He 
appeared to fuUy understand the cause of the war, although he was told the Northern 
Soldiers were coming to Virginia to kill the negroes. He stated that when our troops 
went to BuU Run, three of his brothers went with them, and are now with them, 
besides some five or six of his relatives from that plantation. I asked him why he did 
not go, and he said, " I do not want to leave my good old mother. If it was not for 
her, I would not stay here another minute." Another slave told me this morning that 
he was going to leave soon, " for liberty is too tempting to lose the present chance of 
obtaining it. " I went up to the house and talked with one of the female slaves who 
was standing in the doorway. She was a very good looking negress and I noticed that 
all the slaves about the house, were dressed well and were neat and clean. They all 
wore low kid slippers, white cotton hose, clean starched calico dresses, and the men 
servants had white cotton shirts on, with blue woolen trousers, straw hats and good 
shoes. Mrs. Scott asked for the Commander of the Guard, and I allowed myself to be 
conducted to the reception room up stairs, where the " mistress" awaited me. She is 
a stout woman about fifty years old. She informed me that she had been nearly 
ruined by the Union Army and begged me to protect her live stock and her crops. I 
informed her that my orders directed me to watch the house, as Confederate soldiers 
often visited it. She denied that she harbored or sheltered the Southern soldiers, but 
when I said that some were captured there recently, she did not deny it. She said all 
her poultry and pigs had been stolen by the Northern soldiers, and asked me if I would 
not give orders to my men that they were not to touch the fowl which were left. I 
made an evasive reply, as I was aware that plans had been made to captmre the whole 
feathered population and serve them for breakfast. 

Mrs. Scott informed me that the products of the farm are corn, wheat, oats and rye, 
and that her live stock consists of seven mules, seventeen cows and two horses. I was 
told by one of the slaves that each person was allowed one peck of meal, three pounds of 
herring, and one pound of meat every week. I asked if that was sufficient and was 
answered " no, " that it did not last longer than four days if they ate all they wanted, 
and that to make it last seven days, they were obliged to stint themselves. In the busy 
season they work from fourteen to seventeen hours per day. One man told me that 
he had seen five of his brothers sold to go down South, expecting his turn next, and a 
woman told me that three of her brothers had been sold. I said to her, " It is too bad, ' ' 
and she said, " yes, and we dare not say a word. ' ' I found all with whom I talked, to 
be very polite. When I asked them a question that required an affirmative or negative 
answer, it was "Yes sir," or "No sir." I was very much interested in a Uttie girl 
whose name was " Cassie. ' ' Her duties seemed to be waiting upon her mistress, Mrs. 
Scott, at the sovmd of a little bell. If she happened to be out of doors or elsewhere, 
when the bell rang, it was very amusing to hear the servants in the house, slowly repeat 
in the ordinary tone of voice, one after the other, from room to room, " tell Cassie the 
bell is ringing," until it reached the little girl, who would hurry away to answer the 
summons. She was quite light colored and I should judge her to be an octoroon. 
She wore a short blue checked calico dress, kid Congress boots, and open work white 
stockings. I think the slaves on this place are much better cared for than those 
farther South. We were quartered in an open shed, partially filled with unthreshed 
rye, and two men were on guard during the night with reliefs every two hours. 


In further explanation of our morning repast, it may be said that the 
feast consisted of a conglomerate stew in which aU of the fowl, chickens, 
ducks and turkey, were cooked together with the vegetables, potatoes, corn, 
turnips and beets, in an enormous iron kettle, the whole forming a mess of 
pottage, the flavor of which was enriched by a combination odor that 
improved or injured the taste according to the perception of each individual. 
That it was palatable was demonstrated when the meal was finished, for 
every particle of the savory mixture had disappeared. We were reUeved 
before Mrs. Scott had missed her poultry, and I was therefore not com- 
pelled to explain to her why my orders (?) to protect her birds had not been 
obeyed. Had Mrs. Scott displayed the flag, which would signify that she 
desired protection, she would have been sure of protection, but she was an 
enemy to the flag and preferred to remain so, therefore we were not bound 
to respect her wishes, and before the war closed she had lost everything 
except her land, the slaves having deserted, the cattle seized and the buildings 
burned by her slaves, who thus sought revenge for the indignities they and 
their relatives had suffered when they were sold into a worse slavery than 
that into which they were born. 


Perry Allen Lindsby. 

Perry Allen Lindsay was the eldest son of Col. William Lindsey of Woon- 
socket, R. I. He was bom Nov. 22, 1838, in Upton, Mass. At the age of 
16 years he entered the academy at New London, N. H., from which insti- 
tution he graduated in 1860. He then went to Milford, Mass., and entered 
upon a mercantile life, where he was when the Civil War began in 1861. 
Before this time he had evinced a liking for military affairs and had been a 
sergeant in one of the Rhode Island Companies. This was evidently inherited 
as his father was a Colonel in one of the regiments of that State. When the 
first call came for troops, he reorganized Company A of Milford, which finally 
became Company G of the Mozart Regiment. His military record was 
excellent, and it wiU be found elsewhere in this volume. 

Returning from the war in 1863, he married Anna Asenath Howe, and 
removed to Cambridge, Mass., where he served in the city government. He 
also served several years as deputy sheriff of Middlesex County, and later 
was identified with the clothing business in Boston. Subsequently, he 
received an appointment as clerk at the United States Pension Agency in 
Boston, which position he held at the time of his death. 

Prom Cambridge he removed to Winthrop, Mass., where he resided when 
summoned to eternal rest. He died July 3, 1903, at the age of 65 years, 
after an incurable iUness of three months. Funeral services were held in 
Saint John's Episcopal Church in Winthrop, of which the deceased was 
Senior Warden. Quite a delegation of his army comrades were present, and 
the services were quite impressive. The burial took place in Pine Grove 
Cemetery, Milford, and the remains were escorted to the grave by a large 
body of Grand Army comrades, members of the Masonic Fraternity and 
citizens. Col. Lindsey had been a member of the Grand Army of the Repub- 
lic and had served as Commander. He was also connected with the Loyal 
Legion and with Milford Lodge of Masons. 

Three children were born to Col. and Mrs. Lindsey: — George William, 
who died at Jamaica, West Indies; Frank Allen, and Betsey Augusta. Frank 
married Ann Hampton Haskell, grand-daughter of Gen. Wade Hampton, 
of South Carolina, and they have five children. Betsey married George 
Lane of Boston and resides in Winthrop. 



One of the saddest events that we encountered during the early history 
of the regiment was the death of Sergt. William J. Wills of Company A. 
He was on picket duty for the first time on Sept. 8th, and when posting his 
picket guard, he instructed them to shoot any person who approached from 
the woods in a certain direction. Just before twilight he visited the pickets 
at their several posts to impart the countersign, and forgetting the instruc- 
tions he had given them, he advanced from the woods in the direction he 
had warned them about, and was shot dead by the guard he was approaching. 
This fatality was deeply regretted by all of us, and it had a perceptible effect 
throughout the regiment, for Sergt. Wills was imiversally respected by all 
who knew him. The regiment sent the body to Massachusetts, and took up 
a collection for his widow. Every company in the regiment subscribed, and 
the amoimt received was several hundred dollars, which was forwarded to 
her. A committee appointed by the members of the regiment in reference 
to his death, wrote a series of resolutions, highly complimentary to the 
deceased, both as a soldier and a man, and sent a copy of them to the widow. 
The resolutions were signed by Col. RUey, Capt. Gotlieb, and many other 
officers. The body was escorted to Alexandria with military honors, and 
the band of the 3d Maine Regiment furnished the music. This was the 
second death in the regiment of men who were killed by their comrades. 

We continued our drilling and dress parades, and now that the fort was 
completed and the weather much more comfortable. Col. Riley persisted in 
completing our military education. He was a grand teacher because he 
was a grand master of mihtary science, and he had apt scholars, who were 
so proud of their instructor that they were ambitious to learn for his sake 
as much as their own. Heavy showers continued, and my diary, Sept. 12th, 
says, "Last night we had a furious shower, and while it was raining in drops 
large enough to wake us from sleep with the noise made by striking on the 
roof of our tent, we were sweating in large drops from the heat inside." 
Showers were plentiful, but they did not cool the air in Virginia as they do 
in Massachusetts. In fact, it seemed more oppressive. 

Alexandria was still under martial law, and a guard was constantly main- 
tained. Gen. Heintzelman had suppressed two newspapers, the Gazette 
and the Sentinel, on account of their disloyalty, and the Second Presbyterian 
Church was closed because the pastor persisted in praying for the success of 
the rebel cause. The citizens who had not fled were intensely disloyal, 
although not daring to openly express their treasonable sentiments. They 
detested Union soldiers, and we knew it by their actions if not by their words, 
and on one occasion I had positive proof of the antipathy of one "secesh 
critter," who took advantage of an opportunity to cause me suffering and 



misery that were altogether unnecessary. I had been much troubled with 
a decayed tooth and finally went to Alexandria in search of a dentist to 
close the cavity. None could be found, and I concluded to sacrifice the tooth 
and submitted it to an apothecary for extraction. He had antiquated instru- 
ments, but they just suited his fiendish design. He was neither a doctor, a 
dentist, nor anything else but a brute. In presence of several cronies, he 
seated me on a stool, encircled my head with his left arm and then, with a 
pair of rusty forceps, seized the tooth, upon which he pulled, and twisted, 
and pried for several minutes before he permitted it to jdeld and come forth. 
It might have been drawn with ease in an instant, by the same implement 
in the hand of a person who had no spite to satisfy. I paid him the fee, and 
vowed that if I caught him alone, in a suitable place, I would give him a 
good pounding, which he richly deserved. But I never met him after that 

The 4th Maine Re^ment was encamped near us at Camp Sedgwick, and 
while there, its efficiency was somewhat affected by the transfer of nearly 
200 of its members to the 38th N. Y. Regiment, in consequence of a mis- 
understanding about their term of enlistment. They claimed it was for 
three months, but they were finally convinced that they had enlisted for 
three years, and they were then restored to their regiment. A few, however, 
preferred to remain under the New York banner, and these were finally 
transferred to the Mozart Regiment, which accounts for the appearance of 
their names in the Mozart Roster. 

On the night of Sept. 17th, our whole regiment was detailed for guard duty 
at Fort Murphy, as a surprise attack was feared. The guns for this fort, 
upon which we had so faithfully labored, passed our encampment that day. 
The armament consisted principally of 32 and 64 pounders, of which there 
were to be fifty pieces. Our morning inspection on Sunday was all that 
was required of us now. Gen. McClellan having issued an order that there 
should be no work and no drilling on Sunday. We aU took pride in looking 
well at these inspections, and Col. Riley required us to wear white gloves 
and that our shoes should shine as brightly as our muskets. The follow- 
ing, regarding inspection, is copied from a letter to my mother : 

At Sunday morning inspection, it is expected that every man will have his clothes, 
his musket, and his equipments looking neat and clean. It generally requires an hour 
for inspection, which includes an examination of the interior of the knapsacks and 
cartridge boxes. If a soldier's musket or his clothing are found to be dirty, he is fined 
from 50 cents to $2.00, which is deducted from his pay. I take much interest in keep- 
ing my things in good order, and I have never been spoken to about them yet. My 
gun shines Uke a new dollar, and after I use it, I always wipe it, and oil it, so it will not 

Our cooks had become somewhat famous throughout the regiment for 
the superior excellence of their culinary achievements, and their baked 
beans had attained a notoriety, not only among the New Englanders, but 
among the New Yorkers and the Philadelphians. Even Col. Riley soon 
acquired a taste for baked beans, and when Company H was serving that 
unctuous dish, the colonel's coal black servant "Dick " was sure to appear 
at the cook tent to procure a ration of beans for our Commander. Comrade 
Jack Busteed, whose name was John, was our chief cook, and he was ably 
assisted by "Farmer Daniels" for quite a period. They never failed in 


their preparations, and the menu was as varied as circumstances permitted, 
and if it lacked variety, it excelled in the art of cookery as well as in the 
quantity prepared. Having succeeded so admirably in the beanery depart- 
ment. Chef Busteed essayed another undertaking and one that was yet 
more difficult. He experimented with a plum pudding and produced a 
perfectly delicious compound. These dishes were baked in large iron kettles 
which were inserted in deep holes in the ground and very much larger than 
the kettles. Fires were first built in the excavations, after which the kettles 
were placed in them and surrounded with hot rocks, which retained their 
heat until morning. There was no other way than this to bake, and no 
other way was desired, for when the kettles were withdrawn, it would inva- 
riably be found that no stove or oven could produce such results. To pay 
for our pudding, each member of Company H was assessed five cents for 
'the ingredients of which the pudding was composed. The only regret con- 
nected with this first pudding was that "Black Dick" arrived too late to 
obtain a share for the Colonel, who thus lost a rare treat. 

My diary states, Sept. 12th, that we were paid for the first time, each man 
receiving pay for the months of July and August. At this payment, we 
were allowed to choose between gold and "greenbacks," as the new paper 
money was called. Many who intended to send remittances away by mail 
preferred the paper money, and, in fact, nearly all accepted the treasury 
notes. After that date, we saw no more gold, and were glad to receive 
whatever Uncle Sam offered us. Religious services were held every Sun- 
day when the weather was suitable, by Chaplain Gilder, in which he was 
assisted by our Singing Club and others, all of whom were invited to sing. 
From a letter to my father, dated Sunday, Sept. 22d, I copy the following 
regarding our Sunday service. 

The time for Service is announced by the Drum Corps, which is known as the 
"Church Call." When it is heard, the companies are formed without arms and 
marched to the Colonel's tent, which is a very large one. It bears an air of comfort, 
resembling a New England parlor, having in it, two sofas, two chairs, and a large Centre 
Table, taken from a deserted house near our camp. During service, the tent is occupied 
by the officers. The pulpit consists of a large box surmounted by two drums, the whole 
being covered with tJie Flag of our Union, the "Glorious Stars and Stripes." This 
rude pulpit is placed in front of the tent. On either side, one of our brass cannon is 
stationed, and a stack of muskets stands in front. The companies surrovmd the pulpit, 
and remain standing during service. Upon their arrival, the Chaplain appears, in full 
uniform, and the service commences. This morning, the exercises were opened by 
singing the familiar hymn, "Come, Thou Fount of Every Blessing." Then prayer, 
during which all remove their caps. A chapter of the Bible was then read, and the 
hymn, " Arise, My Soul, Arise, " was sung. The text was taken from the 7th Chapter 
of Matthew, the 13th verse. After an eloquent discourse, the benediction was pro- 
nounced, and we marched back to our tents. 

Afternoon services were sometimes held, and during the fine autumn 
weather we assembled for these extra services beneath a large sheltering 
tree. Upon these occasions the discourse was not always upon a rehgious 
topic, but with sacred teachings, interspersed with lessons of patriotism and 
good advice. Chaplain Gilder did much to promote the material as well as 
the spiritual welfare of his soldier parishioners, who comprised men of all 
faiths and all forms of worship. He assumed full charge of the mail and 
procured plentiful supplies of franked envelopes, which were liberally fur- 


nished to New York soldiers by Congressman C. H. Van Wyck. Later 
than the time I am speaking of, there was sometimes a Catholic service 
within reach, and this was attended by many Protestants out of respect for 
those who attended the ministrations of Chaplain Gilder. 

On Wednesday, Sept. 25th, there was a Grand Review by Gen. McClellan, 
that was witnessed by many ladies and gentlemen from Washington, who 
drove across the river in carriages. The review took place near Fort 
Murphy, and it was a very imposing spectacle. The troops of all arms, 
who participated, numbered about 22,000 men, and embraced five Brigades 
of Infantry, three Batteries of Artillery and two Regiments of Cavalry. Gen. 
McClellan was received with the usual salute of thirteen guns, and during 
the review he closely scrutinized the soldiers as he rode along and some- 
times stooped in his saddle for that purpose. The review occupied about 
two hours, and did not terminate until nearly six o'clock. 

To counteract the miasmatic influences, which had become quite per- 
ceptible, Col. Riley ordered huge fires to be built at night and to keep them 
burning until morning. Two of these fires were built in front of the 
encampment, and the fuel consisted of fence rails and immense logs of 
wood, around each of which several hundred men could gather. During 
the enchanting September evenings, we took great delight around these 
camp fires, where we sang songs and told laughable stories, and perpe- 
trated jokes that were inspired by the occasion. Generally, "tattoo" and 
even "taps" found us still lingering at the fires, which we left reluctantly 
only to comply with the inexorable fiat of army discipline. My diary men- 
tions that Col. RUey was serenaded at midnight on Monday, Sept. 23d, by 
the band of the 15th N. Y. Re^ment, with which the colonel had been 
connected in the mihtia service. For a week previous to this time I had 
acted as Color Sergeant at Battalion Drill and Dress Parade. We still 
guarded Fort Murphy at night, and alternated with other regiments in per- 
forming this duty until the guns were mounted and the fort garrisoned, 
when I found that the armament included some 92 pounder rifled cannon. 

On Saturday evening, Sept. 28th, we amused ourselves by holding a Mock 
Trial or Court Martial of Jeff Davis, who was accused of treason. An efl5gy 
had been constructed of trousers and jacket, stuffed with hay. A judge 
and jury heard the evidence, which was presented by witnesses whose tes- 
timony was as laughable as it was ridiculous. Capt. IngaUs was the pros- 
ecuting attorney, and some of the questions he asked the witnesses were 
as extremely laughable as the answers. The examination took a wide 
range, and one of the witnesses was asked where he thought the prisoner 
would go when he died, and he replied, "Straight to hell." It is needless to 
say that Jeff Davis was convicted after an able argument by his counsel, 
and sentenced to be burned at the stake, which had been already driven 
into the ground in anticipation of a conviction. The e£Bgy was tied to the 
stake and the torch applied. As the consuming fire spread around and 
over the image, the shouts of the men around the blaze were wildly sten- 
torian and expressive of their indignation against the man whose treason 
was inexcusable and indefensible. These recreations served to enliven army 
life and to maintain the regimental esprit de carps. Maj. Halstead and 
Capt. Gesner returned to camp just in time to see the image burned and 


to hear the shouts of exultation. They had been serving as members of a 
General Court Martial, that was convened by order of Gen. McClellan. 
They expressed regret that they had not heard the trial, and the Major 
laughingly said it might have aided them in performing their judicial 

Munson's Hill was evacuated Sept. 28th, and the whole of the enemy's 
advanced line of fortifications was taken possession of by the Union forces. 
The hiUs that were before occupied by the rebels became the camping 
grounds of Union soldiers, and the rebel flag, which had been visible from the 
Capitol in Washington, departed with those who defended it. Mimson's 
Hill is a conical eminence rising abruptly some eighty feet above the sur- 
rounding level and overtopping all its hilly neighbors on the front and rear. 
Unless artillery was employed in an attack, a regiment could defend the hill 
against five times their number. The country in front is too level for the use 
of mortars with any success, and any attempt to shell the place could be 
promptly thwarted by bringing up a few light rifled cannon, which woidd 
command the plain. Standing on the crest of the hiU, the panorama unrolled 
before you is one of exceeding beauty. The river sweeps around the base 
of the hills beyond, hidden from view, but easily traced by the blue line of 
mist which marks its course. Five miles distant, in an air hne, the great 
steeple of Alexandria stands up against the clear sky. The city itself is 
obscured by intervening forests, but the works on Seminary Hill which com- 
mand the approach, were seen with the naked eye. 

At this time, our Brigade formed a part of the left wing of the army. 
The center and right wings advanced on Saturday, Sept. 28th, and we expected 
to start the same day, but for some reason we remained in Camp Sedgwick, 
and that night after "taps," while in bed, we were aroused and ordered to 
sleep "on our arms. " Cartridges were given to every man who had not the 
requisite number, forty rounds. At midnight, several regiments passed up 
the road, and the next morning I saw that one of them had encamped just a 
few rods beyond us. Other regiments passed our camp on Sunday. We 
captured several prisoners on Saturday, including a mounted officer and a 
Lieutenant, and their lurking about may have occasioned the order to sleep 
on our arms. Another prisoner was captured on Wednesday by our pickets, 
who chased him beyond our Unes before he could be caught. He had been 
seen to fire at our pickets, and when piu-sued he dropped his musket and fled 
towards the rebel picket hne. 

During the last week in September, we formed a choir of twenty picked 
voices, with four instrumentalists, two of whom played the violin and two 
the flute. Chaplain Gilder, who had two tents, kindly relinquished one of 
them for our express use, and procured music books for our use also. We 
fitted the tent with benches and music stands, and it accommodated the entire 
choir. We used the tent, not alone for singing and rehearsing, but for 
writing and reading.- On the last Saturday in September, we were ordered 
to wear our equipments constantly, which was a burdensome duty. As 
pertinent to this requirement, I quote the following from a letter to my 
fiancee, dated on the Saturday above mentioned. 

We are ordered to keep our equipments on all of the time, and we find that forty 
rounds of cartridges are quite heavy to carry constantly. There is no doubt but we 


will march soon. Everything indicates it, but it may not be to battle, for it is said that 
we are on the reserve. But if called to battle, at any time, I am perfectly willing to go. 
I came here to fight, and for what? To crush rebellion against a heaven-endowed 
land, and to preserve the freest government ever instituted. I am willing to struggle 
and to die, and far better is it that thousands should die, than that these United States 
of America should be blotted from the list of Nations. If I should die, in this glorious 
cause, you must remember that millions will hereafter live to enjoy that for which 
I sacrificed my Ufe. 

And these were not my sentiments alone. They were expressed by hun- 
dreds of Mozarters, and it was the general prevailing wish that we might meet 
the rebels and conquer them. We abandoned Camp Sedgwick at an early 
hour on Monday morning, Sept. 30th, and marched to the front a distance 
of six miles on the Fairfax Road. But to reach our destination, we were 
obliged to march a distance of ten miles by a very circuitous route, and as we 
were heavily laden with cartridges, equipments, blankets, overcoat and 
extra clothing, we found the journey to be excessively fatiguing. We 
encountered three barricades during our march, which obstructed the road, 
and which we had to remove before the baggage wagons could pass. Our 
encampment was located on Frogal Hill, which was slightly sloping, and the 
other regiments of the Brigade were near us. The 38th New York was just 
beyond us and the two Maine Regiments were on the opposite side of the road. 
There were no troops in advance of us and we were the firat troops to pass that 
way, consequently, fences, houses, and live stock were intact. Almost 
immediately, the Engineer Corps and the experienced Maine woodsmen were 
felling the forests, and in a few days, where the view had been obstructed by 
trees, they had receded for the distance of a mile or more. A greater variety 
of trees was seen here, and we found nuts and persimmons in abundance. 
As we arrived, the latter were ripe and very delicious. The timber was used 
for wood with which to cook, and we used the logs to enlarge our tents and 
make them warmer. At this time the rail fences had all been consumed, and 
we should have been destitute of firewood had not the fallen monarchs of the 
forest been available. Details were regularly made from each company to 
procure the wood and load it upon the wagons. Our scouts could find no 
rebels nearer than Fairfax Court House, and there appeared to be no prospect 
of a battle. From a letter to my fiancfe, dated Frogal Hill, Wednesday, 
Oct. 2, 1861, 1 copy the following: — 

If a battle takes place near here, it will be terrific. Our troops are now well dis- 
ciplined and well drilled, and I believe as courageous as any that ever faced a foe. All 
appear to be anxious to fight, although those who were at Bull Run, dont want the 
attack to be there, unless we are supported by more Artillery and CavaJbry than engaged 
in that unequal contest. At last accounts, there were sixty Batteries of Artillery and 
ten Regiments of Cavalry already on this side of the Potomac. I am writing by the 
light of a candle, with my paper on the back of my knapsack. It is a beautiful even- 
ing, and everybody is out of doors, enjoying themselves around the large Camp Fires, 
except Conway, and he is in his tent sawing out some nice music on a violin. Just now, 
he is playing "Auld Lang Syne." It reminds me of home, and I can say that "old 
acquaintance" is not forgotten by me. In regard to coming home, you must remem- 
ber that I cannot do as I might desire. I have given up my will to my superior ofiicers, 
for a time, and must wait patiently until I am entitled to a furlough. I have pven up 
my freedom for the good of my country, and am willing to wait until the peril with 
which it is now menaced, has disappeared. You must also be patient. 


Maj. Fletcher was bom in MUford, Mass., in 1835, and was the son of Martin and 
Mary Fletcher. He received a good education at the pubhc schools in his native 
town, and when the Civil War began, he was travehng as a salesman in the South, 
where he was ordered to enlist in the Confederate Army or return North. He hastened 
his departure, and hurried to join the Miltord company in Yonkers, where he arrived 
in time to be mustered in to the service with that company. 

After his return home at the end of three years, he foimd that his wounds were too 
troublesome to warrant business activity, but soon after the war terminated, he 
resumed his occupation as a commercial traveler, but the seeds of disease had been 
sown during his term at the front, and he died, in 1867, of malarial fever during a 
business visit to Kansas City. His body was brought home to Milford and rests in 
the cemetery there. He was afiSliated with the Free and Accepted Masons, and was 
unmarried. In his honor, the Grand Army Post in Milford bears the name of Emmons 
F. Fletcher. For army record, see Roster. 


Ottb encampment on Frogal Hill was named Camp Sackett in honor of 
Gen. D. B. Sackett, who was a classmate of Gen. Sedgwick at the West Point 
Military Academy and who, in previous years, had been associated with him 
in the army. Some time previously, Lieut. Col. Egan had been detailed as 
Recruiting Officer for the regiment, and he was still in New York when we left 
Camp Sedgwick. Upon his arrival in New York City, he established a 
recruiting oflGice and inserted the following rather eccentric advertisement in 
the daily newspapers : — 


Hckrah! HttbbahII HtiebahII! 

Attention Attention. 

Wanted. One hundred able-bodied men to fill up the Fortieth Mozart Regiment, 
New York Volunteers, now stationed at Bailey's Cross Roada, near Alexandria, Va. 
Men enlisting in this regiment will be at once despatched to Camp Sackett, Alexandria, 
Va. Apply at No. 564 Broadway. 

THOMAS W. EGAN, Lieutenant Colonel, 

Recruiting Officer. 

As a result of his efforts, eleven recruits for Company B arrived while we 
remained at Camp Sedgwick, and soon after, nine more came and were 
assigned to Company H. From that time onward, recruits continued to be 
forwarded until December, when recruiting ceased and Lieut. Col. Egan 
returned to the regiment. It was a mistake for the advertisement to say 
that the regiment was then stationed at Bailey's Cross Roads, because we 
were then encamped several miles from that noted locality and were never 
any nearer than when we were at Camp Sedgwick, where we were during the 
entire month of September. Many of these recruits became good soldiers, 
but they were all entirely " raw recruits, " and some of them positively stupid, 
while a few could not be taught the manual of arms or the science of marching 
in step. It became my duty to drill some of these raw recruits, among whom 
Vere Thomas Thompson, who was killed at the Battle of Malvern Hill, and 
WiUiam Snedeker, who was killed at the Battle of Bull Run, Aug. 31, 1862. 
Thompson was forty years old when he enlisted, and it is to his credit and to 
the credit of the other recruits of that period that they enlisted through 
patriotic impulses instead of from mercenary motives. In contrast with 
Thompson, who mastered the tactics very quickly, was a man of the same 
age named Martin Quackenbush, who was one of the original members of 
our company. It was impossible for him to learn the rudiments of military 
tactics. He was constantly assigned to me for instruction, and I endeavored 



to teach him, but without success. He was permanently connected with the 
"awkward squad." He could neither march in step nor "mark time," 
because he had no conception of the division and measurement of time as 
applied to military precision. He seemed anxious to learn, but he could not 
comprehend the simplest elementary tactics, and he was as liable to face to 
the left when ordered to "right face," as he was to execute the order cor- 
rectly, and hkewise liable to face in a contrary direction when the order was 
reversed. After I had failed to qualify him, Capt. Ingalls tested him and 
found him so deficient that he indorsed my recommendation for his discharge, 
and soon after this time, Quackenbush was honorably dismissed. It was not 
because he was stupid that Quackenbush could not learn, but because he had 
no innate perception of time, just as many persons have no perception of 
tune. It was no fault of those who lacked the necessary inborn endowments, 
but for them to attempt to acquire a military training was useless. The 
non-commissioned oflicers who were assigned as instructors of recruits 
rendered valuable assistance, and it was interesting to witness the change 
from citizens to soldiers. 

We had not long to wait after arriving at Frogal HiU before work was 
found for the Mozarters, who were never idle and always in demand. We 
had hardly arranged our tents before we were sent out on an entirely use- 
less scouting expedition towards Fairfax, where our Cavalry vedettes were 
stationed. We ascertained nothing and obtained nothing, therefore our 
jaunt was fruitless and unnecessary. This was the day after we pitched our 
tents, and on the succeeding day also, Wednesday, Oct. 2d, we made a 
reconnoissance to Pohick Church and vicinity, a distance of ten miles west- 
ward. The place had been visited that day by rebel scouts, but the 
intrenchments were deserted when we advanced to the neighborhood, two 
days previously. Beyond a few scattered houses, the ancient church was 
all that entitled the village to the name it sustained. The edifice was small 
and situated on the summit of a hill. It was then nearly a century old and 
was rapidly going to decay. Rev. Edward Fairfax, Washington's friend 
and pastor, frequently officiated in the church, and Washington himself 
often worshiped there. History informs us that, "reverently bowing in 
his pew," which was pointed out to us, "silent suppUcations ascended from 
the heart of Washington, for blessings on his country." Many of the flat 
stones with which the floor was paved were displaced, and many of the 
windows broken. The high-backed pews were all there but considerably 
disflgured, and the quaint pulpit had lost much of its carving. Within 
the altar inclosure, there was, on the wall, a unique design sculptured, 
in which could still be read in letters of gold, The Lord's Prayer, the 
Ten Commandments and the Creed. Our tramp was unproductive of 
visible results, but it may have served some useful purpose of which we 
knew not. 

On the following Sunday our inspection was conducted by Col. Sweitzer, 
of Gen. McClellan's staff. He was very thorough, and tested our muskets 
by dropping the ramrod into the gun barrel and then rubbing his white 
glove on the head of the ramrod. If the glove was stained with rust or 
dirt, the soldier was reprimanded and informed that he would be fined if 
his musket was again found to be dirty. Col. Riley was present at the 


inspection, and the name of the offender was placed on record by the Adju- 
tant. The other three regiments of the Brigade were also inspected by Col. 
Sweitzer, who was a Colonel in the Regular Army. 

On Sunday, Oct. 6th, we were favored with the presence of ladies at our 
religious service. There were three of them (one very handsome) who 
were relatives or friends of Chaplain Gilder. It was the first time we had 
had ladies at church since we left Yonkers. They joined in the singing, 
and it was very pleasant to hear their voices mingling with ours. 

On the previous day, Saturday, I acted as Corporal of the Guard, and as 
I did not go on duty until five o'clock p.m. I was at liberty to go wherever I 
pleased during the day. I therefore concluded to take a stroll in the woods 
after chestnuts. Taking my canteen, haversack and hatchet, I traveled 
about four miles in the direction of our pickets and found chestnuts in 
abundance. After filling my haversack and pockets, I started back and 
arrived in camp at 3.30 p.m. It was during this ramble that I first saw the 
holly tree, or shrub, which is now so extensively used for Christmas deco- 
rations but which was entirely unknown in New England fifty years ago. 
I gathered one of the beautiful green leaves and sent it to my home in 
Maine as a curiosity. That leaf is included among my war souvenirs, and 
although faded in color to a light shade of brown, the texture and form 
remain as perfect as when it was plucked nearly half a century ago. A 
facsimile of this leaf is presented on the next page. 

On Friday, Corpl. Wiley, Corpl. Teel, and myself went out on a scouting 
expedition. After reaching our advanced pickets we found it difficult to 
pass them, but after a little skillful maneuvering, we succeeded in getting 
through the hnes and into the enemy's country. We went some distance 
beyond our chain of pickets, but did not see any signs of the enemy, and 
after bujfing some milk at a farmhouse, we returned to camp, and I was 
somewhat elated by my experience in the purchase of the lacteal fluid. 
Suspecting that the two women who inhabited the house were not Union- 
ists, I offered, in payment for the milk, a ten-dollar Confederate bill that I 
had purchased of a runaway slave for a dime, as a curiosity to send home. 
A look of satisfaction spread over the countenances of the women, one of 
whom asked if I preferred change in United States money, and I unhesitat- 
ingly replied in the affirmative. She then counted out $9.70 in silver coin, 
that she had probably received for milk from other Union soldiers, and 
handed it to me. I had purchased three quarts of milk at ten cents a quart, 
but, in effect, I had given what cost me ten cents for three quarts of milk, 
and in addition had received a gift of $9.70. I was satisfied and so were 
the women. It was the most profitable financial transaction in which I 
ever engaged. 

Our Brigade commenced to intrench immediately. The 38th New York 
and 3d Maine began the construction of rifle pits, and the 4th Maine 
assisted the Mozarters to build a small fort on a hill half a mile south from 
Camp Sackett, which commanded the Fairfax Road and the Richmond 
Turnpike. We did not hurry the construction of these fortifications, because 
there was no fear of an immediate attack. We sent a detail of 200 men every 
day, and the same number was sent from the 4th Maine. 

The weather had now become very uncomfortable, and the nights 


exceedingly severe, as will be better understood by reading the following 
extract from a letter to my parents dated at 

Camp Sackett, Wednesday, Oct. 9th. 
The weather here is now very cold for the month of October. Although there are 
never any Easterly winds in Virginia, yet the winds we have are cold enough, even for 
Maine men. To be out of camp to-day, unemployed, without an overcoat on, is not 
thought of, except by those who are the most accustomed to winter exposure. I have 
not yet accepted the place of Color Sergeant, although it is vacant. I have acted for 
some time, but the reason I don't want it permanently, is because there is not so good 
a chance for promotion. 

We were stiU armed with the smooth-bore musket, our anticipations 
pertaining to improved rifles, which had been promised to Col. Riley, not 
having been realized. On this account we felt some anxiety, because we 
were aware that our muskets could not be relied upon for accurate shoot- 
ing at long distances. But we determined to make the best possible use of 
them if we were called to battle, and that would be to meet the enemy at 
short range, for then, even the smooth-bore musket is an effective weapon. 
Col. Riley informed us, when in regimental Une, that the consignment of 
foreign rifles purchased in Eur6pe for the United States had been delayed, 
and that we were to be supplied from the first shipment. He advised 
fighting at close range in battle, and the use of the bayonet. We were 
under orders to march on Satiu-day evening, Oct. 12th, from six to nine 
o'clock, when the orders were countermanded. I do not know what was 
required of other regiments at such times, but we were compelled to wear 
our equipments and to be ready with rations to fall in fine at an instant's 
notice. On the following day, Sunday, there was no religious service, as 
Chaplain Gilder had gone home on a brief furlough. The choir met, how- 
ever, in the afternoon, and rehearsed for several hours. 

The letters from my home at this time were discouraging, for they 
betrayed the deepest solicitude for my welfare and safety, but it was in 
vain that I assured my anxious mother that I was in no danger. Such 
apprehension was without good cause at that time, but a few months later, 
when the enemy confronted us, it would not have been unreasonable, for 
then there was abundant reason for alarm. As time passed on, however, 
the correspondence assumed a more cheerful mood and the seeming emotional 
depression disappeared. My mother, however, continued to be distm-bed, 
and imagined that some harm was sure to befall me. A month later, it 
was revealed that her apprehension should have been devoted to another, 
as I shall hereafter relate. 

In company with many others of our Regiment, I attended a solemn 
burial service on Wednesday, Oct. 16th, which took place at a small family 
burial ground within our camp lines, where a deceased member of the 3d 
Maine Regiment was interred. The departed comrade was given full military 
honor. The band of his Regiment played a dirge with muflled drums, slow 
time, and the firing squad marched with arms reversed. The coffin was 
borne upon the shoulders of four privates and covered with the "Stars and 
Stripes." The Chaplain ofliciated at the grave, and the solemn "Pleyel's 
Hymn " was performed by the^band as the body was lowered into the grave. 
And then came the volleys which ended the exercises. 



We had a regimental drill in the rifle pits on Tuesday, Oct. 15th, with 
blank cartridges, which we fired at an imaginary foe. We practiced loading 
and firing "by command" and "at will." We enjoyed it because it was an 
exciting novelty, and in fact we enjoyed all forms of drilling then, because 
the weather was perfectly adapted to the severity of regimental exercise. 
The use of balloons for reconnoitering began at about this time. They were 
inflated and dispatched from Arlington Heights, and they frequently passed 
over our camp on their journey towards the enemy, but in our subsequent 
campaigns the balloons were captive. We constantly heard rumors regard- 
ing a change for our Regiment, but they were based on presumption instead 
of certainty or probability. 

The frequent reports regarding the transfer of the Massachusetts Corn- 
pan! as to a Massachusetts Regiment culminated at last when Gov. Andrew 
arrived in Washington, Oct. 16th, accompanied by Quartermaster General 
Frank E. Howe of New York. Capt. Ingalls was summoned to Washington, 
and he met Gov. Andrew there on the day after the governor arrived, and 
learned that it was the intention to persuade the Secretary of War to order 
the Massachusetts Companies detached and transferred to the Massachusetts 
Battalion at Fortress Monroe. When Capt. Ingalls returned to camp that 
evening, he stated to the Massachusetts officers that he informed the Gov- 
ernor there was no discontent among the Massachusetts men, and that he 
considered it unwise to make any change. In spite of this, however, Gov. 
Andrew used all the influence at his command to effect a transfer, and he 
even succeeded in securing the aid of Senators Sumner and Wilson. The 
latter visited our camp to see for himself and learn more about the situation. 
After the senator had returned to Washington, it was said he advised that 
no action such as Gov. Andrew desired, be taken. The attempt was futile, 
and however much it might have been contemplated, it was found to be 
impossible to execute the scheme. At its inception. Col. Riley had circum- 
vented those who had planned the movement. Instead of appealing to the 
War Department, Col. Riley visited Gen. McClellan, and thus was wiser than 
his opponents. Upon his arrival at army headquarters. Col. Riley related 
to Gen. McClellan the history of the Regiment, and it did not take long for 
the General to discern that should the plot succeed, the future of the Mozart 
Regiment, that he had so highly compUmented, would be imperiled and its 
usefulness destroyed for months, before it could be recruited and become 
efficient. He therefore unequivocally assured Col. Riley that the Massachu- 
setts Companies should remain in the Regiment regardless of the Secretary 
of War and the appeals of Gov. Andrew. 

In his argument to the Secretary of War, Gov. Andrew called his attention 
to the necessity of transferring us, for the reason that while we remained in 
a New York Regiment, the families of the Massachusetts Companies could not 
obtain the benefit of the Massachusetts State Aid Law, which would amount 
in the aggregate to $144,000 per annum. The argument was presented 
with much force, that the men should not be compelled to make such a 
tremendous sacrifice, but the transfer was not made and the families were 
deprived of the State aid they were entitled to receive until the following 
winter, when the Legislature amended the State Aid Act, so as to include 
tis in its provisions. 


Gov. Andrew did not know while his effort was proceeding, that Col. Riley 
had taken steps to destroy what he called insubordination and a conspiracy, 
by sending some of those prominent in the movement for a transfer, to the 
slave pens in Alexandria. A petition to Gov. Andrew had been circulated 
among the Massachusetts Companies asking to be transferred, and it had 
been signed by quite a nimiber of Companies G and H. The Colonel regarded 
it as an attempt to destroy the efficiency of the Regiment, and without any 
charges or court martial, he consigned the supposed ringleaders to the 
prison pens, where negroes had formerly been confined for punishment or 
held for the regular weekly auction sales that took place there. Among 
those who were thus consigned by Col. RUey to the slave pens in Alexandria, 
were Orderly Sergt. Gould and Sergt. Durgin, although both protested that 
they were innocent of any intention to disrupt the Regiment or to do anything 
that was inimical to military custom or discipline. How many others 
shared the punishment I do not remember, but some from the other Massa- 
chusetts Companies were companions of the above members of Companies G 
and H. They were in confinement for a few days only, but during their 
brief imprisonment, I foimd it possible to visit them and to offer such sjon- 
pathy as I could and to provide them with some luxuries they could not 
otherwise procure. I repeat that Gov. Andrew did not, at the time at least, 
know what was transpiring to hold the Massachusetts Companies in the 
Fortieth, neither did he know that Col. Riley visited Gen. McCleUan and 
acquainted him with the facts in the case. He convinced the General that 
the Regiment would be ruined by the withdrawal of the Massachusetts Com- 
panies, and before the interview terminated he gave to Col. Riley his solemn 
promise that the Massachusetts contingent should remain in the Mozart 
Regiment, and remain they did, but Gov. Andrew never knew what power 
prevented the accomplishment of his cherished pm-pose to bring the men he 
had given permission to leave the State, again into its service. When the 
Colonel returned from his visit to Gen. McClellan, he ordered the release of 
the imprisoned conspirators (so-called) and the excitement soon subsided. 
Sergt, Gould was soon rewarded by promotion to Lieutenant, and Sergt. 
Durgin was advanced to Orderly Sergeant. 

No one afterward regretted that we remained in the Mozart Regiment 
or that the effort to transfer us failed. In his determined attempt. Gov. 
Andrew was doubtless actuated by powerful influences at home, and it is 
possible that to friends of some of the officers in the Massachusetts compa- 
nies the activity of Gov. Andrew may be attributed. It is also reasonable 
to infer that Gov. Andrew was prompted somewhat by a desire to have us 
transferred and counted on the Massachusetts quota. This was, however, 
finally accomplished just as effectually while we remained in the Mozart 
Regiment as if we had been in a Massachusetts regiment. Gov. Andrew 
succeeded in having us accredited upon the next quota allotted to Massa- 
chusetts, and we were legally counted as Massachusetts soldiers and now 
hold the Massachusetts diploma. 

Thus ended all endeavors to transfer us, and I doubt very much if there 
was ever any serious expectation of accomplishing the project, even by those 
few individuals in the Regiment who were so thoughtless and inconsiderate 
as to sign the petition to Gov. Andrew asking to be transferred. Col. Riley 


regarded this action as a conspiracy, but I did not so consider it. The 
document was signed by only a few individuals and it was circulated openly. 
It was not brought to me, and I was not aware of its existence xmtil after 
Col. Riley's coup d 'etat, which so successfully ended the episode. Whether 
the harsh measure of imprisoning those who were regarded as the "ring- 
leaders " was necessary, remained a question to be settled by each individual, 
and for the time being Col. Riley was regarded as an inexcusable tyrant or as 
a mistaken enthusiast, according to personal inclination. Had the petition 
been offered me for signature, I should have declined, because I did not see 
what could be gained by serving in a Massachusetts regiment more than in 
the Mozart Regiment. Individuals might have been benefited, and myself 
among them, by such a change, but not the entire body of troops, as Gov. 
Andrew proposed. In the succeeding months, it was universally conceded 
in the four Massachusetts companies, that a transfer would have been unwise, 
and Col. Riley was commended for resorting to the extreme measure that 
quelled the so-called revolt. 

We finished our fort Oct. 17th, and we then had nothing to do but drill, 
and as the weather was cooler, drilling was a pleasure. Troops were con- 
stantly arriving, and at the above date there was a total of not less than 
175,000 men ready for battle, including Infantry, Artillery and Cavalry. It 
was about the middle of October that the rebels withdrew from Fairfax and 
encamped at Manassas. This indicated that if there was a battle in the near 
future, the Army of the Potomac would be obliged to make the attack. 
A new feature of mihtary training was introduced during October, viz. ; — 
Brigade drills. Gen. Sedgwick knew the value of drilling, and he understood 
how to maneuver a brigade. He had competent colonels, also, to execute 
his orders, and xmder such conditions. Gen. Sedgwick did not find it difiicult 
to undertake the most intricate brigade movements. In late October, the 
four Regiments had become thoroughly instructed in Brigade movements 
and every man was a thoroughly trained soldier. We also added a new 
accomplishment to our repertoire at this time. We learned to drill with 
our knapsacks on and had two such drills in the same week, one of which 
was with overcoats on as well as knapsacks, but not to keep us warm. It 
was one of the methods selected to inure us to hardship. 

The organization of the Army of the Potomac continued, and having 
formed it into Brigades, they were then organized into Divisions. On 
Oct. 15th, Sedgwick's, Richardson's and Jameson's Brigades of Infantry, 
Thompson's Battery of United States Artillery with six Napoleon Rifles, 
and the First New Jersey Cavalry, were organized into a Division under 
Gen. Silas P. Heintzehnan, who had served in the Mexican War under 
Gen. Scott. The Division was composed of 12 Regiments of Infantry, two 
of which were from Maine, three from Michigan, three from New York and 
four from Pennsylvania. Gen. Heintzelman immediately ordered a review 
of the Division, which occurred on Friday, Oct. 18th, on the Mount Vernon 
Road, and within two miles of the former estate of the "Father of his 
Country." It was a tiresome march, although the distance was only four 
miles. There were on the field about 12,000 Infantry, 1000 Cavalry and 
one Battery of Artillery. We left camp at 8 o'clock in the morning, having 
eaten our breakfast before sunrise, and returned at two o'clock. The 


Brigade received quite a compliment from Gen. Heintzelman, who said, 
"It is the best this side of the river." We carried forty rounds of cartridges 
and did not sit down during the six hours we were away from Camp Sackett, 
consequently we were both tired and hungry. We found some nice fresh 
beef and boiled potatoes awaiting us, with which we at once satisfied our 
hunger, after which an hour's repose refreshed our weary limbs. The 
Colonel ordered a ration of whiskey that night, and I was detailed to draw 
our company allowance and measure it out to the men, who seemed to be 
invigorated by the medicated distillation. There were quite a number in 
our Company who were total abstainers from the use of intoxicants and they 
did not need any stimulant, but there were others who were benefited by the 
small quantity administered, which consisted of half a gill. This whiskey 
contained a small amount of quinine, which the army surgeons said would 
guard soldiers against the malarial influences which prevail in Virginia. 
After supper that evening, ten members of the Milford Company and five 
of our Company, including myself, aaked permission from Col. Riley to 
serenade Gen. Heintzelman. He not only granted our request but 
accompanied us to Division Headquarters, where Gen. Sedgwick was also 
found. We sang for about an hour and the General was much gratified, 
thanking us for our courtesy in remembering him. "Lowlands, Low," 
was his favorite, and he asked us to repeat it. John Tufts of Arlington 
was the soloist when we sang that melody, and it was always pleasing. Our 
last acquirement in brigade tactics was mastered on the last day of October, 
when, with knapsacks on, we moved in "double quick" time up a steep hill, 
through brush and over stumps or whatever obstacles we encoimtered. 
It was once difficult for us to execute the "double quick" movement without 
knapsacks, but now as we had become habituated to prodigious military 
exploits, we could execute any movement that required endm-ance, regardless 
of impedimenta. 

As showing another method adopted by Col. Riley to bring the Mozart 
Regiment to the highest proficiency, I publish the following extract from a 
letter written to my parents and dated Camp Sackett, Sunday, Oct. 27, 1861. 

We have just finished our usual Sunday morning inspection, and in connection 
therewith, 1 will state a circumstance to show you how particular the Colonel is, and 
how neat we have to keep ourselves. It is very easy for me to keep my clothes and 
equipments in good order, but there are some who are very slack and pay as little 
attention as possible to these matters. This morning, as the Colonel passed from one 
Company to another, he picked out all of the dirty men. He expects every man to 
appear at inspection, with his musket free from rust; his shoes polished with blacking; 
his brass mountings and buttons brightly polished, and his clothes brushed and free 
from spots of grease. Now you may think that it is an easy matter to keep clean, but 
unless much time is expended, it is impossible. £ven at home, if a man has only one 
pair of trousers to wear, he cannot keep clean; and he has a house to live in, a chair to 
sit in, and a bed to sleep in. We have none of these things, and yet we are expected to 
keep clean. You can judge how careful we have to be, and how much time it must 
take to clean up. I usually spend the whole of Saturday afternoon, to get in readiness 
for inspection, and even then, I have something to do on Sunday morning. Well, as I 
was saying, Col. Riley picked out the dirty men, and after inspection was through, he 
had them marched up and down the whole length of the Regiment to the tune of " The 
Poor Old Soldier." There were twenty-four of them, but only one was taken from 
Company H. I pitied the poor fellow, for he was the best looking one of the crowd. 
His shoes were blacked and his clothes clean, yet the brass plates were tarnished, and 
he could not pass. 


The weather continued colder, and now that it was November, artificial 
heat became necessary in our tents. We dug a hole in one comer of our 
tent for a fire, the smoke from which passed through a tunnel under the 
ground outside into a chimney made of a barrel open at both ends and 
placed over the tunnel outlet at the side of the tent. The following is 
copied from my correspondence dated Nov. 6th. 

The temperature is quite cool, but we build fires in our tents which keep us com- 
fortable. A violent rain storm commenced Friday night, and continued with unabated 
fury until Sunday morning. I acted as Corporal of the Guard on the first night of the 
storm, and I got a thorough soaking. I am relieved now from all guard and picket 
duty, for the Colonel has chosen me for one of the Color Corporals. Late in the after- 
noon yesterday, I attended the burial service of one of our regiment, Robert Black, who 
died in the hospital with the asthma. The band of the Third Maine Regiment played 
for us. This is the first man we have lost from disease or who has died in the Regi- 
mental Hospital. He was a member of Company C and belonged in Philadelphia. 
It is evening. The wind is howling without, but the sounds of merry voices are heard 
above the heavy gusts which threaten to tear our tents from the ground. In the next 
tent to ours they are singing, "Do They Miss Me at Home?" 

The song was extremely soothing, but I needed no assurance that I was 
missed. I knew that there was no moment during my absence in the army 
that I was not missed in the family circle at home. And not only was I 
missed, but my mother, who had been, until recently, very courageous, was 
disquieted by forebodings of evil, and I received a letter from her in which 
she stated that she had "an inward conviction that some calamity" was 
about to happen. As I was at the post of danger, she naturally presumed 
that I was to be the victim. My reply, dated Oct. 31st, contained the follow- 
ing assurance of my tranquillity: — 

I cannot understand why you worry so much about me. I don't worry any, and 
don't intend to, for there is nothing to worry me. I have enough to eat, to drink and 
to wear. I enjoy myself, and have not had the blues since I came here. 

Because the Color Guard presented such a neat appearance at the Sunday 
inspection, Nov. 10th, Col. Riley gave each of us an unsolicited pass on the 
following day. Owing to the misuse of passes, it had become quite difficult 
to obtain them, and commanding officers of regiments had been directed to 
withhold them, unless it could be shown that there was some necessity or 
good reason for having them, and to further complicate the conditions, it 
was ordered that aU passes must be indorsed by Brig. Gen. Sedgwick. I 
went to Alexandria that day, and visited the wharves and prominent places 
of business, which now was much depressed on account of the fiight of the 
inhabitants. It was interesting along the water front, where many large 
steamers were discharging army stores. It is quite impossible to conceive of 
the immense quantities of suppUes pUed on the docks awaiting transportation 
to the various supply depots established by the Quartermaster's Department. 
Thousands of barrels of beef and pork, and many more thousands of boxes 
of "hard-tack" were stacked in immense piles, tier upon tier, higher than 
the suTTOimding buildings. And besides the above articles, there were 
enormous quantities of coffee, tea, molasses, sugar, vinegar, soap, and the 
other supplies which make up the army ration. In my meanderings about 
the city I encountered another place of interest, but with very different 
emotions than I ever before experienced. It consisted of a long block of 


low buildings upon which was prominently displayed the following sign: — 
" Price, Birch & Co., Dealers in Slaves." A huge pen was connected with 
the buildings, which was constructed as a sort of temporary prison, where 
slaves were detained until they were sold. This pen was buOt of wood, and 
the walls and partitions consisted of wooden slats. Situated in an adjoining 
shed was a huge auction block, from which, doubtless, thousands of negroes 
had been bought and sold. My reflections were embittered by these visible 
evidences of the barbarity of human slavery as it existed in the Soutt in our 
land of boasted freedom. The time had indeed come to wipe the foul blot 
from our governmental system. I did not return to camp that day until 
five o'clock, which was an hour later than I had intended. But I was not 
asked to explain although my pass expired at noon, for when I had taken it to 
Gen. Sedgwick for his indorsement he extended it from 12 to 4, at my request. 
I still retain this pass as a precious souvenir, although it is written upon a 
bit of crumpled paper. Its value rests not only upon the associations with 
which it is connected, but more because of the signatures, and especially 
for the autograph and personal indorsement, "Approved, John Sedgwick, 
Brig. Genl." It is the only memento of Gen. Sedgwick in my possession, 
and I regard it as a priceless treasure. The plate on p. 95 is a facsimile of 
this relic, written nearly half a century ago, and which is unique because it 
fails to mention the regiment as was the custom throughout the army. 

At seven o'clock that night, we were astonished to hear the "Drummer's 
Call, " and then the "Assembly. " We fell into line, many thinking we were 
going to march. After the line was formed, the Colonel appeared and 
informed us that oiu* fleet had captured Beaufort, S. C, and that the troops 
were marching inland in two colimins. He proposed nine cheers, and they 
were given, with a "tiger" added. The army was stUl intrenching, and 
details from our Brigade were made every day for work upon Fort Lyon, 
which was a very large fortification that commanded the river and was 
designed to operate with the army in case of an attack. It was named in 
honor of Gen. Nathaniel Lyon, who was killed at the Battle of Wilson's 
Creek, near Springfield, Mo., Aug. 10, 1861. Gen. Lyon was educated at 
West Point, where he graduated with distinction in 1841. He served in 
the Mexican War under Gen. Taylor, and was wounded there. Fort Lyon 
was not completed until early in December, and its armament was not fully 
mounted until midwinter. In addition to the operations at Fort Lyon, the 
Mozarters were detailed to build corduroy roads through the marshy forest 
lanes which were used for transporting supplies of food and fuel to the various 
camps along our line of battle. 

In mid-November, all sorts of rumors were circulated in camp regarding 
army movements and our probable connection therewith. Even Capt. 
Ingalls informed us at a roll call that we were "hkely to go down the coast," 
meaning thereby, with some expedition to a point farther South. So also, 
when Comrade Sam Fish was constructing the heating apparatus in early 
November, for the hospital tent at Camp Sackett, he was told it would be 
" in use only a few das^s. " Subsequent events proved the report to have been 
entirely erroneous or that the plans were changed. Comrade Fish made a 
grand success of his heating scheme, which consisted of a trench two feet wide 
and three feet deep, dug through the center from one end of the tent to the 




other. This trench was lined with stones and covered with sheet iron. At 
one end of the trench, outside of the tent, a large pit was excavated and lined 
with brick and mortar, and covered with a brick arch. In this pit, which 
connected with the trench, the fire was buUt, and at the other end of the 
trench outside of the tent, there was a brick chimney. The heat and smoke 
from the fire passed through the trench, heating the iron covering, from 
which radiated the heat that warmed the hospital and maintained an even 
temperature and kept the inmates comfortable. While the apparatus was 
being constructed. Col. Riley had but little faith in its efficacy, but Comrade 
Fish was a practical mechanic and demonstrated that his conception was 
based upon mechanical principles. The appliance was completed in a few 
days with the assistance of several comrades, who performed much of the 
manual labor. The tent was sixty feet long and forty feet wide. At this 
time there were not many sick, and they were attended by members of the 
Ambulance Corps, which consisted of one man from each company. They 
had received instruction in ministering to the sick and had learned how to 
stop the flow of blood from various wounds, in cases of emergency upon the 
battlefield while they were convejong wounded soldiers to the field hospital 
upon stretchers. 

Our teams all went to Washington on Tuesday, Nov. 12th, after new 
tents, which Quartermaster Bliss succeeded in obtaining, although his requi- 
sition was honored while others, previously filed, were delayed. Col. Riley in- 
sisted on having new tents immediately, and Quartermaster Bliss was smart 
enough to get them in advance of others who were as much entitled to them as 
himself. We needed new tents because those we brought from Yonkers were 
intended for summer use and they had become so thin that the rain dripped 
through. It had long before been a bright idea of Corpl. WUey to reenforce 
our tent with another that he had appropriated from I know not where. It 
was a way we had in our tent; when anything was needed, we found (?) it 
somewhere, and it didn't make any difference where. Through this double 
protection no rain percolated. The new tents arrived that night, and the 
next day they were substituted for the others and found to be of much 
heavier material, but "Our Four" retained the extra tent and used it as 
before the exchange, to provide for any possible contingency. 

The Mozaht Drum Cohps. 

In battle, the Ambulance Corps were assisted by members of the Drum 
Corps in carrying the stretchers, and the duty was well performed. The 
Drum Corps was partially organized while the Regiment was quartered in the 
barracks in Yonkers, where the reveille and all the calls were performed. 
When the Regiment went into camp, the Corps was composed of some twenty 
snare drummers, half a dozen fifers and a bass drummer. Charles T. Smith, 
a veteran of the Mexican War, was appointed Drum Major, and under his 
tuition the Corps soon became efficient. He was a skillful drummer and was 
also very correct in regard to time, but he did not pretend to be a fancy 
drummer. Andrew J. Mulkem was mustered in as Fife Major a few days 
before leaAdng Yonkers, and he had few equals as a fifer. The membership 


was made up almost entirely of boys under seventeen who were from good 
families. It nimibered, when we left Yonkers, some twenty-six members and 
it was increased later by the addition of more fifers. Two or three of the 
drummers were afterward discharged as minors, but additions were made 
from the ranks to fill the vacancies, and when the Regiment crossed the 
Potomac into Virginia, the Corps numbered some twenty-eight or thirty 
members. They had had but a short time for practice, but they were highly 
praised by the citizens of Yonkers. Upon arriving in Washington, as the 
Regiment marched up Pennsylvania Avenue, our music received rounds of 
applause, and during our first year in Virginia, when numerous reviews were 
held, the Mozart Dnun Corps was always highly commended by the Colonel 
and the whole Regiment, also by Generals Bimey and Heintzelman. A 
favorite selection at dress parade was "Evening BeUs," and it was per- 
formed with much taste and expression. The Corps always played quick 
time, and at first the Regiment did not approve of it, but they soon became 
accustomed to it and preferred it, but the two Maine regiments in the Brigade 
were opposed to the movement, and when marching out for a brigade drill, 
if the Mozarters had the right of the line, they lagged behind. The Corps 
contained one of the youngest soldiers in the army, Gustave Schurman, who 
was only twelve years old at enlistment, and a Uttle tow-headed boy. Michael 
Erb, of Company A, was the oldest member of the Corps, and in 1863, after 
Smith was discharged for disability, he was promoted to be principal musician. 
He reenlisted and went home with the Regiment at the close of the war. In 
1863, a niunber of drummers were transferred with their regiments to the 
Fortieth, and they all proved to be valuable members of the Mozart Drum 
Corps. Among these was John Unger who is still living, and whose picture, 
as he then appeared, is shown elsewhere. There were some good singers 
among them, and while on the march at times, they would start up "John 
Brown" or some other tune, which would be taken up by the whole Regiment 
in one grand chorus. They were a light-hearted set of boys and were always 
at home wherever they camped. Whitefield was the dandy of the Corps, but 
Gus Schurman, with rosy cheeks, was the handsomest. Billy Pailes still beats 
the drum occasionally, and Wil Lewis, who was called "Shorty," sometimes 
tries his skill with the sticks. John Buckley, the fifer, still plays the fife 
when opportunity offers. No drum corps in the Army of the Potomac 
made a more honorable record, played better music, beat better time, or saw 
any harder service than the Mozart Drum Corps, a few of whom are still 
alive to boast of their deeds and to relate their varied experiences. 

The buglers usually marched with us. but their services were devoted to 
the skirmish hne. Company H was one of the skirmish companies, and we 
had instruction and practice in that branch of activity and very soon learned 
to maneuver at the sound of the buglers, through whom all orders were trans- 
mitted. We were fascinated with the exercise and never tired of the skir- 
mish drill. There was another company similarly instructed, but I find no 
memorandum that designates which was the favored company. 

My diary mentions the fact, under date of Nov. 12th, that each member 
of Company H received two pairs of nice woolen stockings from Arhngton, 
and I may say here that our third and last installment of golden dollars from 
Arlington came to us in due season while we were at Camp Sedgwick. The 


amount required to pay us the stipulated sum was transmitted by express to 
Capt. Ingalls, who distributed the "shiners" in accordance with the vote of 
the town. It was certainly a very pleasurable reflection that we were still 
remembered by the people who had sent us forth and in whose interests we 
remained in a position to perform the duties we had imdertaken. These 
remembrances that came to us served as happy reminders of those who had 
so generously equipped us, and to assure us that we were still the objects of 
their soUcitude. When such tokens reached us, we seemed in touch with the 
donors. It encouraged us in the performance of our duties and inspired us 
to act in such a way as would bring no discredit upon our sponsors at home. 

News reached me, Nov. 15th, that my father was threatened with fever 
and was under the treatment of the family physician. There were no 
dangerous sjrmptoms, and I dismissed the subject from my mind without 
an alarming thought. A few days later information came that the fever 
had subsided and that the patient was much improved. Then in a few days 
the dread announcement came from our clerg3mnan that death had occiured 
Nov. 20th. The malady was "lung fever," or what is now called pneumonia, 
and although it had seemiugly been subdued, a relapse followed from which 
the patient could not rally. 

In a letter dated Nov. 18, 1861, I mentioned that "we have had a 
brigade drill to-day for four hours, with knapsacks on, and a part of the time 
at a 'double quick.' And so to-night, I wish you could look into our 
tent and see us now. It is indeed a pleasing picture. I am writing on a 
cracker box by the light of a candle, and Wiley is studying miUtary tactics 
by the same light. Ellis and Teel are playing a quiet game of cribbage to 
while away the time, and I judge them to be as happy as if they were at 
home with friends at an evening party. In fact, we are just as comfort- 
able and cozy as one could wish. We are all getting fat, and the colonel 
sajrs 'lazy.' The fire is burning briskly opposite me, sending out a cheer- 
ful glow, tending to lighten the heart while I think of home and the loved 

nnPS Tn.r n.Ttrn.V Ymi nan m^vcir lmr\Tir Krkixr a+frfnre ai*a 4-Ka ^^^mAo-f-i/t 'fiAo fvtt 

CAPT. J. P. L. WESTCOTT, 1861. 

(Cooied from a family portrait.) 


James P. L. Westcott. 

Captain Westcott was born in Duxbury, Mass. His parents were 
Charles and Katherine Westcott. The ancestry of his father's family is 
traced back to the twelfth century, and the antiquary, Oliver, of England, 
says that the first Westcott to appear in history was bom at Marwood, 
England, in the century named above. This was John de Westcotte, hold- 
ing office in Exeter Cathedral, and a great scholar in his time. Thomas de 
Westcotte, a courtier and soldier in the reign of Henry V, married Frances 
Littleton of Frankley, in Worcestershire, from whom the family of Lord 
Littleton (with the second title of Baron Westcott) is descended, and who 
was also bom at Marwood. Capt. Westcott 's mother was descended from 
the Huguenots. 

During the early life of Capt. Westcott, his father removed to Newbury- 
port, Mass., to afford his children a better opportunity for education. In 
that city the father and older sons engaged in shipbuilding, which at that 
time was carried on there quite extensively. When Capt. Westcott grew to 
manhood, he launched out into large business interests in the great pine 
forests of Virginia, supplying ship timber by wholesale. Young as he was 
(21) when he started in business for himself, Capt. Westcott was regarded 
as a man of unusual business ability, and he was conscientious in his deal- 
ings. At a later date he became prominent in politics, both in Newbury- 
port and throughout the State, and he also held the important public office 
of City Marshal for some years in Newburyport. A few years preceding the 
Civil War, he was deeply interested in the political campaign when Hon. 
John A. Andrew and Hon. George B. Loring were nominated for Governor 
by their respective parties. In Capt. Westcott Mr. Loring found a staunch 
friend and great helper. He traveled with him through the entire State, 
taking part in all public meetings, and his career at this time was brilliant. 
He was one of the principal orators on such occasions, and whenever he 
spoke he held his audience with his remarkable oratory and logic. 

At about this time Capt. Westcott was making friends as well as 
enemies throughout the State. Pubhcly and privately he strenuously 
insisted that Civil War could be prevented if fanaticism were quelled and 
the minds of the people settled into a state of quietude sufficient to make 
a sustained effort towards an amicable adjustment of the differences between 
the North and the South. With great pathos he pointed out the injustice 
of sacrificing the best blood in the land, until every available means of 
settlement and pacification had been tried. But when war was declared 
and every citizen was called upon to defend his country, Capt. Westcott 
immediately organized the military Company he subsequently commanded, 
which was composed of the most promising young men in the city of New- 
burjrport, many of whom had just begun their business careers. Under 
his marvelous skill as a disciplinarian the new Company was soon prepared 
for war, and then Capt. Westcott became a prime factor in the life and 
success of the Mozart Regiment. His whole official career marked him as 
a gentleman, a rare disciplinarian, and an efficient commander, and had his 
military service not been terminated by a severe accident, he unquestion- 


ably would have attained high military rank before the close of the war. 
He sustained a serious rupture when in command of a fatigue detail during 
the construction of Fort Lyon, his horse stumbling while leaping a ditch. 
From this accident he never fully recovered during the remainder of his 
life, and being thus disabled, he was obliged to give up all hope of further 
military service. 

Capt. Westcott married Susan, daughter of Nathan Chase, and seven 
children were bom to them, the only one now surviving being Mrs. Katherine 
Tingley, leader of the Theosophical Movement throughout the world. 
Capt. Westcott was a true philanthropist, and many a poor family in both 
his town and county was the recipient of his generous help. He never 
identified himself with any church or religious body, for he was liberal and 
broad-minded in his views and a great student, but, up to within two years 
of his death, he strenuously opposed his daughter's Theosophical work. 
Although unacquainted with the Theosophical philosophy, he regarded it as 
one of the fanatical movements of the times. Later, he made a study of 
the Theosophical Movement to convince his daughter that she was mis- 
taken. Soon, however, his prejudice was dispelled, and he became con- 
vinced that many statements current in reference to the Theosophical 
Society were utterly false. He then vigorously defended her against the 
malicious conspiracy of a rival to destroy her reputation, and secured evi- 
dence that incriminated the conspirator. But when Capt. Westcott was 
about ready to bring legal action against the man, he was suddenly stricken 
with pneumonia, and died, Feb. 15, 1900, at the age of 78 years. Two minor 
children survive him by a second marriage. Capt. Westcott was a member 
of A. W. Bartlett Post, No. 49, G. A. R., in Newburyport, in which city his 
body was buried. 



A Grand Review of the Army of the Potomac occurred on Wednesday; 
Nov. 20, by Gen. McClellan and President Lincohi, at Bailey's Cross Roads. 
It was a very imposing spectacle and was witnessed by thousands of people 
from Washington and other cities, among whom were Secretary Seward and 
many other officials, besides several of the foreign ministers residing in 
Washington. Our Brigade and the entire Division of Gen. Heintzelman 
participated in the pageant, which was composed of about 80,000 infantry, 
8,000 cavalry and 17 batteries of artillery. As the distance frome Camp 
Sackett to the reviewing field was ten miles, we were forced to start early, 
and we ate our breakfast that morning at four o'clock. We started at 
sunrise and reached our allotted position at ten o'clock. When Gen. 
McClellan and President Lincoln, with their staffs, appeared on the field, 
salutes were fired by all of the batteries and the cannonade was quite impres- 
sive. As the reviewing officers passed, each Regiment presented arms and 
the bands played. Every soldier felt proud of the display and was glad to 
participate. Immediately after the parade had been dismissed we started 
upon our return to Camp Sackett, where we arrived at four o'clock p.m., tired 
and hungry after our wearisome march of twenty miles. While this was 
transpiring, and I was participating in all of the exciting scenes incident 
to the occasion, a scene was being enacted within the Floyd homestead in 
the far-away State of Maine, where, unsuspected by myself that any danger 
threatened him, the dear father who had so faithfully reared me, passed to 
the immortal life, as I have previously narrated. 

My diary states, under date of Thursday, Nov. 21st, as follows: — 

This is Thanksgiving Day in Massachusetts, and Col. Riley has excused us from 
all duty. We had nice roast pork for dinner, and many of our company have received 
boxes from home filled with Thanksgiving luxuries, but mine has been delayed in 
transit and will not arrive before Saturday. I shall be glad when it arrives for I am 
anxious to feast upon some of mother's good cooking. 

The history of the Mozart Regiment would be incomplete without reference 
to our sutler, whose name was Rogers, and who, I believe, is now alive and 
residing in the city of Rochester, N. Y. Recalling the days of our soldier 
life, no one can think of Sutler Rogers with any feelings except those of 
indignation and contempt. He came to us at Camp Runyon and established 
his business, which was nothing but a system of robbery. Taking advantage 
of the opportunity and our necessities, he fixed prices for his stock in trade 
that were entirely inconsistent with their cost. I think Col. Riley compelled 
Rogers to reduce the prices of some of his goods, and thus a portion of the 
monthly pay did not go into the avaricious possession of the ravenous 
Rogers. It often happened that cash was scarce with the Mozarters, but 



Rogers invented a plan by which he succeeded in capturing a large share of 
■what was due them. Healthy men with ferocious appetites, whose menu 
consisted principally of salt beef and pork, and who ate their bread without 
butter and drank their coffee without cream or milk, could not view the 
display of luxuries made by the cunning Rogers without being tempted to 
purchase, and when they had no money it was easy to entice men to buy, 
for he extended them credit upon written orders from their captain. It 
thus happened that Rogers received the largest share of the money when 
the paymaster came. That official acted as collector for Rogers, and 
handed to him whatever sum he claimed was due from each man, who was 
obliged to accept from the pajrmaster whatever balance remained after the 
claim of Rogers had been settled. It happened in one instance, where the 
amount due one of our companies was $2354, that Rogers received $1436 
of it. It was after this outrage that Col. Riley interfered and forbade 
Rogers to trust a soldier more than one quarter of his pay. As an illustra- 
tion, I quote a few prices: — Cheese, 60 cents per pound; pickles, $1.50 per 
half -pint bottle; tobacco, $1.50 and $2.00 per pound. Rogers transported 
his goods from Baltimore and Washington in small vessels, and the cost was 
hardly more than the cost to handle the same stock in any large city. I 
remember the loads of watermelons, at White House Landing, which cost 
Rogers in Baltimore not exceeding $5.00 per hundred, were sold to us at 
$1.00 each. If that was not robbery, my mind is terribly perverted. It 
incensed the men and they denoimced Rogers as a greedy plunderer. He 
had no friends and we all hated him, and retaliated whenever an oppor- 
tunity presented itself. No one considered it wrong to steal from Sutler 
Rogers, and many a plot to pilfer from him was successfully executed. I 
remember how a fifty-pound box of plug tobacco was skillfully purloined 
from beneath the board counter, supported on two pork barrels, by cutting 
the canvas that hung from the front of the board to the groimd. The 
plunder was distributed and a good share went to Company H. But the 
shrewdest trick played upon Rogers deprived him of a large amount without 
an equivalent. A cute soldier conceived the idea of writing orders and 
inserting fictitious names therein. The plan was tested and it succeeded. 
Then it spread through the Regiment, and counterfeit orders were presented 
by hundreds of men who signed their Captain's name to them, upon which 
goods were delivered, but when pay day came, Rogers found that he had 
heavy claims against men who were unknown and who did not exist. It 
was impossible for Rogers to identify the men who presented fictitious 
orders, and consequently he could not collect. He lost many hundreds of 
dollars in this way, and everybody was glad of it. But that trick was 
available for only one time, and its repetition was impossible, but a barrel 
of sugar mysteriously disappeared after that. It was a great "find" for 
us, and we "found" a great many articles which were not lost. When we 
were "marching up the Peninsula," and had reached White House Landing, 
Rogers received several schooner loads of provisions, among which were 
barrels and barrels of molasses cookies, such as were sold in New York 
"two for a cent," but Rogers charged us ten cents each for them, and even 
at that price they were eagerly purchased, on the credit plan, however, for 
we had no money. Was not that robbery of the most pronounced type? 


And who would censure men for stealing a cheese from such a greedy plun- 
derer and whatever we could find that belonged to him? As the goods were 
stacked on the grass, under military guard, immense quantities of delicacies 
were appropriated when the guard wasn't looking, and as he was to share 
the spoils, it frequently occurred that he wasn't looking or pretended not 
to see what was transpiring. The guard didn't care what happened, for 
he held the same resentment. Rogers got it all back again in exorbitant 
prices, but when there was a chance to filch anything from him, it was 
regarded as legitimate booty, and for him it was always "now you see it 
and now you don't," for Rogers could never find anything after it was 
missing. The sutler is a necessary evil, and imder the present very objec- 
tionable system, he cannot be eliminated, but by a scheme of weekly or 
semi-monthly payments, the sutler's business can be confined within the 
sphere it was intended to occupy, viz. — the sale of food supplies to the 
regimental officers who draw no ration, and to needful articles not included 
in the ration. 

On Friday, Nov. 22d, we officiated as a flanking party to Gen. Franklin, 
who with his Division undertook a reconnoissance to Fairfax. Heavy firing 
was heard La that direction, therefore the Mozart and 3d Maine Regiments, 
accompanied by a detachment of two rifled cannon and a squadron of 
cavalry, were ordered to support the column on its left flank. We started 
soon after noon with our Regiment in advance. Gen. Sedgwick's aide-de- 
camp and his Adjutant General were with us, but Col. Riley was in command 
of the party. A portion of both regiments was at Fort Lyon, and our 
infantry force numbered not more than 900 men. Nothing of importance 
occurred until we arrived at the church where our reserve pickets were 
posted. Here we halted and were commanded to "load at will," after 
which the men were allowed to go and fill their canteens. Capt. 'Sullivan 
was seized with a convulsion and was conveyed back to camp in the ambu- 
lance. Capt. Ingalls did not start with us, as he had been detailed at Fort 
Lyon, but he learned that we had gone to the front and joined us soon after 
passing the church. After the canteens were filled, we resumed our jour- 
ney and were ordered to march "route step." At the distance of two 
miles from the church, we reached the outposts, and it now became neces- 
sary to proceed more cautiously. Here the cavalry passed us and took 
the lead. Skirmishers were advanced on each side of the road, and we 
soon entered a heavy wood of Southern pine, and the first evidences of the 
enemy were here seen in the small brush sheds which once sheltered their 
pickets. About one mile fiui;her on, we came to an open piece of ground 
which had been occupied by oxir troops when Gen. Heintzelman made a 
reconnoissance a few weeks before, and from which we had driven the enemy 
after a brisk engagement. We halted for a rest and the skirmishers were 
recalled. We soon continued on, arriving at a creek across which there 
was only a large log, which caused delay. Some waited to cross on the 
log, but more of us forded the stream, and we proceeded along the road, 
which ascended a long and steep hill. The skirmishers were here again sent 
out, and we followed the road another two miles to the summit of an emi- 
nence where a large open plateau afforded us an unobstructed view of the 
country for a distance of several miles and where could be seen the rebel 


encampments with the naked eye, and where we plainly heard the retreat 
and the sunset gun. A miserable old hut adorned this hilltop, in which 
existed two curious specimens of humanity, supposed to be of the female 
sex, as their garments somewhat resembled those of women at the North, 
minus the crinoline, and made of coarse blue drilling. They were the most 
haggard, abject, mean-looking himian creatures I ever saw, and I suppose 
it to have been more the result of poverty and want of enterprise than any- 
thing else. The hut was built of logs the crevices of which were plastered 
with mud, and the chimney outside was built of the same materials. The 
hovel was once shingled, but now the stars could be counted through the 
roof. The two women possessed a cow, and what nulk they had was quickly 
sold for ten cents per quart, and paid for in silver money. I regretted that 
I had not another Confederate note that might have been used in the same 
manner and with the same profit as the one I have before mentioned, but 
it was not my good fortune upon this occasion to have one. I determined, 
however, to procure one of the bills and have it with me upon all future 
scouting excursions. The oflScers procured some cornstalks for their 
horses, and the cavalry and artUIery horses were baited from the feed bags. 
While looking for forage, a turnip field was spied, and it afforded a feast for 
all who were hungering for the soothing vegetable. The cannon were here 
unlimbered and sighted in the direction the enemy would come, while the 
skirmishers kept on and the cavalry advanced by another road towards 
Fairfax, where firing could still be heard. We were now fifteen miles from 
Alexandria and nine from Camp Sackett, as we ascertained from the 
women, who said no rebels had been there for two weeks, and at which 
time their brother had been seized, carried away, and forced into the 
rebel army. We remained there two hours, and having accomplished our 
purpose, we again turned in the direction of Camp Sackett. It was now 
quite dark, and nothing happened during our homeward march. We 
arrived in camp at about nine o'clock, having marched eighteen mUes over 
a very rough and tiresome road. No accident occurred, and if one could 
judge by the happy faces of the men, they would conclude that we had just 
returned from a monster pleasure excursion. The heavy firing which we 
had heard during our whole march ceased soon after we left the hut on the 
distant hUl. After a good supper I felt refreshed and as capable of march- 
ing another twenty miles that night, as if I had been in camp for a week. 
In fact, another scouting party went out that night as far as Occoquan 
Creek, but I was not detailed and remained in camp. Sergt. Durgin, who 
had been with us on the other tramp, was detailed, and without a mur- 
mur he entered upon the new jaunt. It had begun to snow before we 
reached our tents, and when the new detail started, an inch or two of the 
dry, coarse, mealy kind of snow covered the ground, and it was still falling. 
They returned at midnight without discovering the rebels they expected to 
find, and they were a tired lot of soldiers. 

Thursday, Nov. 28, 1861, was observed by the whole army as Thanks- 
giving Day, and of course we had nothing to do. The box of "goodies" 
sent me by my mother, which also contained a consignment to Corpl. Ellis, 
whose parents resided near my home, arrived in time for a Thanksgiving 
feast. The box contained roast chickens, butter, pickles, mince pies, apple 


pies, blueberry pies, lemon pies, plum cake, sugar cookies, and homemade 
bread. We shared these delicacies with our tentmates and others, who 
pronounced the feast to be superexcellent. I received on this day the 
first letter my mother had written to me since our bereavement. She 
explained that why her letters had been so gloomy was because she seemed 
to be impressed that we should not all meet again, and supposed I would be 
the one they should mourn, .as I was surrounded by danger. She informed 
pie that the burden had passed away, and that she no longer worried about 
ihe. We had no religious service that day, but at Dress Parade the Gover- 
nor's Proclamation was read and the Star Spangled Banner sung, after 
which three cheers were given for "our glorious flag," and the parade was 

December brought us excellent weather, and we seemed to live in an 
Italian climate and to have around us the sky, atmosphere and scenery 
which, combined, produce terrestrial tranquillity, and the highest form of 
earthly serenity. The weather was so mild that we perspired in the open 
air without exertion or anything to cause perspiration except atmospheric 
conditions. We were more and more getting accustomed to camp life and 
finding the duties of a soldier's life to be more congenial and less burden- 
some as the months went by. We were resigned to our privations and 
contented, for we regarded our sacrifices as a patriotic offering for the 
salvation of our country. 

Although we had a surfeit of reviews, inspections, drills and reconnois- 
sances, our indomitable Colonel was constantly studying some new method 
to increase our proficiency. He did not regard our education as completed, 
and was one of those who believed that a soldier's education could never be 
finished, hence his fertile brain was forever exercised, and who but he could 
have conjured up the novel idea of a sham battle? He studied the scheme 
in all of its phases, and after planning the details, he disclosed his project by 
ordering blank cartridges distributed. The oflBicers were first rehearsed, and 
when they were familiar with their allotted tasks, the 4th of December had 
arrived, and that afternoon Maj. Halstead took command of five Companies 
and marched them about one mile from camp into a plot of woodland. His 
forces were to personate the rebels, and the Colonel, with the other five Com- 
panies, was to constitute the Union troops. In half an hour we followed 
the major and his men. Arriving near the woods where the enemy was con- 
cealed, we halted, and one Company was sent in advance as skirmishers. 
Soon they were heard to fu:e, and Col. Riley ordered "Attention. " We then 
marched through the woods until we reached a house, near which we fovmd 
the enemy. Firing commenced on both sides, and the Colonel, waving his 
sword, dashed through the enemy's line, urging his men to follow him. I 
was with the colors, and the Color Guard reserved its fire until the colors were 
attacked, and presently we had a chance to defend them, for a Corporal of 
Company H seized hold of the flag, but he was soon thrown to the ground by 
the strong arm of the guard, and I, aiming, with the muzzle of my musket 
close to his heart, discharged the weapon. This was done in a second and 
while we were still advancing. The Colonel, after passing through the 
enemy's line, turned and entered into the thickest of the fight. He was 
assailed by at least fifty men, who kept up a continual firing, while Capt. 


Ingalls and some others endeavored to drag him from his horse, and thus 
make him a prisoner, but they did not succeed. Soon we heard the bugle 
call "Cease firing," and it was then ascertained that the prisoners on each 
side were about equal. We rested ten minutes, while the Major marched his 
men to the front preparatory for another fight. At the expiration of that 
time, we marched forward again, and at the distance of half a mile we found 
the enemy in a thick growth of small pines which surrounded a small open 
field. We were marched into the open space, and another skirmish imme- 
diately commenced, the enemy trying to flank and surround us, but in this 
attempt they were foiled, for they were driven out into the open groimd and 
a large number were taken prisoners. The Major's horse, which he tied to a 
tree, was captured, and to redeem him he paid the sum of five cents. There 
were a number of accidents, the most serious of which happened to Comrade 
Manser of Company B, who was wounded in the cheek by the wadding from 
a musket, which ruptured the skin and lacerated the flesh. Luckily no 
grains of powder entered the wound, which soon healed, but the scar remains 
plainly visible to this day. We returned to camp highly pleased. with the 
experiment, which served as a gratifying diversion. 

As another expedient of our indefatigable Colonel in the evolution of the 
Regiment, he announced at an early date after we pitched our tents at Camp 
Sackett, that aU promotions would be made from the ranks, and that any 
soldier who was qualified to hold a conmiission would be eligible for appoint- 
ment. He urged the non-commissioned officers to prepare themselves to 
take command of their companies, and offered to supply those who were 
inclined to study with printed copies of the tactics. There was an immediate 
demand for the volumes, and in our Company no less than half a dozen began 
the task of conunitting to memory the verbal phraseology of the " School of 
the Soldier" and the "School of the Company." In the other companies 
also, the same disposition was manifested, and before any vacancies occurred 
there were many who had fully qualified themselves to hold commissions. 
And not a long time elapsed before vacancies began to occur as a result of 
Gen. McCleUan's reorganization scheme. He determined to weed our incom- 
petent officers, and ordered a board of examiners in every brigade. In early 
November, our Lieut. Keyes was ordered to appear before the Examining 
Board of oiu: Brigade. He declined to submit to an examination, and con- 
sequently on Nov. 4th was discharged from the service. Lieut. Keyes was 
not a proficient officer and he lacked military spirit, but he was patriotic and 
brave. He was also a man of excellent habits and in battle might have been 
an able leader. He subsequently enlisted in the 16th Mass. Regiment as a 
private, and served three years in the ranks. He was promoted to Corporal, 
and held that rank at the time of his discharge. 

The retirement of Lieut. Keyes created a vacancy in Company H, and at 
a competitive examination by Col. Riley, Orderly Sergt. Francis Gould was 
promoted to Second Lieutenant. Sergt. Graves of Company H was also 
examined and promoted to Second Lieutenant to fill the vacancy in Company 
I, caused by the retirement of Capt. Burke. The promotion of Sergeants 
Gould and Graves created vacancies in the non-commissioned stafif of Com- 
pany H, one of which was filled by the promotion of Sergt. Dur^n to Orderly 
Sergeant. At the same time, Sergeants Cole and Snow were advanced 


respectively to Second and Third Sergeants. The other two vacancies were 
then fiUed by the promotion of myself to Fourth Sergeant and Corpl. Ellis to 
Fifth Sergeant. The two privates promoted to Corporals were John Hanna 
and George Thompson, who were worthy men and faithful soldiers. All of 
these promotions dated from Nov. 4tb, at which time we all began to serve 
in the rank to which we had been advanced. The changes necessitated a 
rearrangement of tentmates, but Durgin and Cole had always tented together 
and they moved into the tent vacated by Gould. Sergeants Snow, Floyd 
and EUis then occupied the tent vacated by Durgin and Cole, and the newly 
appointed Corporals moved in with Wiley and Teel. Thus the exaction of 
Capt. Ingalls was complied with and the non-commissioned oflScers were 
satisfied. Of those in other companies who were examined for promotion, 
the only one who succeeded at this time was Comrade E. F. Fletcher of 
Company G, who was the only private in the Regiment who was elevated from 
the ranks without serving in the intermediate positions. The vacancy he 
filled occurred by reason of the retirement of Capt. Crofts, who was succeeded 
by Lieut. Johnson of Company G, who became the new Captain of Company 
A, the promotion enabling Fletcher to become Second lieutenant of Company 
G. At the beginning of the war, Fletcher was in Louisiana, and was impressed 
into the rebel army, from which he escaped and came North just in time to 
meet the Milford Company in New York en route to Yonkers. He was a 
former resident of Milford and was personally acquainted with the men from 
that town. He did not wait to be urged but enlisted at once as a Private and 
in two years became Major of the Regiment. 

It thus appears that the first vacancies in the Regiment were filled in the 
manner promised by Col. Riley, and for what subsequently occurred in the 
matter of promotions he was not responsible, but I defer further remarks 
upon the subject imtil a later period in our army career. Previous to the 
decree of Col. Riley regarding promotions, an intruder in the person of James 
E. Mallon appeared in our camp as Second Lieutenant of Company K, to fill 
the vacancy caused by the discharge of Lieut. Hannigan, Aug. 14, 186L 
Lieut. Mallon was an excellent officer and resigned after serving about one 
year to become the Colonel of the 42d N. Y. (Tammany) Regiment, in which he 
made a grand record and finally was killed Oct. 14, 1863, at Bristoe Station. 

An exciting episode occurred at Camp Sackett on the afternoon of Dec. 16, 
1861. Private William Moffit of Company H was "drummed out of the regi- 
ment," for absence without leave and returning to camp arrayed m a suit of 
white linen clothes which he had taken from Commodore Forrest's deserted 
mansion, which was located a few miles in advance of Camp Sackett. A 
large portion of the furniture in this house had been appropriated to adorn and 
make comfortable the quarters of some of the officers, and Moffit probably 
had no evil intent when he cast off his United States uniform and donned the 
civilian clothing. He had intended it as a joke, not realizing that to discard 
the uniform was equivalent to desertion. Moffit marched boldly into camp, 
and paraded through the several company streets, creating a sensation, which 
was what he evidently desired. Information reached Col. Riley of Moffit's 
frolicsome prank while it was in progress, and a Corporal was ordered to con- 
duct him to Regimental Headquarters. When he arrived there, the Colonel 
asked him to explain, but he offered no excuse or apology. He was ordered 


to the guardhouse, where he remained that night still clad in white, and the 
next day was "drummed out." The Regiment was paraded with ranks at 
open order, and Moffit, with his head partially shaved, and with a placard 
pinned upon his back labeled " Deserter," was marched between the ranks, 
back and forth several times, to the tune of "Poor Old Soldier." He was 
then hberated and told to disappear. It was more in pity than in anger that 
we witnessed his disgrace, and instead of scoffing and deriding him, there was 
perfect silence, and after he had departed, the parade was dismissed. Moffit 
was entirely worthless as a soldier, because his whole nature was depraved, 
and at variance with the qualities which characterize the soldier. He was 
thoroughly unreliable, and could not be depended upon in the sUghtest degree 
to perform the duties of a soldier, consequently he could not be trusted on 
guard or picket, for he was as liable to leave his post as to remain on duty. 
He was not worthy of wearing the imiform of a soldier, and his dismissal was 
desirable. It appeared, however, that the method adopted to dispose of him 
was not effective. Moffit became a camp-follower, and securing a cast-off uni- 
form, attached himself to the wagon train as a helper, and remained with the 
army until the following July, at Harrison's Landing, when he departed, and 
upon the official records at Washington his name appears as a "deserter." 

On Thursday, December 12th, a private of the Lincoln Cavalry in Gen. 
Franklin's Division, whose name I did not record in my diary, was executed by 
shooting, for attempting to desert to the enemy. During the night he passed 
our picket line and advanced, as he supposed, in the direction of the enemy, 
but instead, he reached an outpost of the Union Army, and, without recog- 
nizing the uniform in the prevailing darkness, he announced himself as a 
deserter and expressed great joy at his escape. He then revealed the location 
of our fortifications and the strength of the Union forces, and imparted other 
information that would be useful to the rebels. He was then placed under 
arrest, and informed of his mistake. He was conducted to the picket reserve, 
and was placed on trial for desertion, condemned and sentenced to be shot. 
It would seem as if his crime was treason, and that instead of being shot, he 
should have been hanged. I could never imagine how he escaped hanging, 
but soldiers never asked the cause for official action. They simply obey 
orders and ask no questions. 

From my correspondence of Dec. 15th, I copy the following: — "I have no 
doubt in regard to our wintering here, for the colonel is building a large stable 
for the officers' horses, which he would not do if we were going to move soon. 
Everything is quiet, except the continual roar of cannon. The forts all 
around us are practicing every day, as well as the field artillery." 

At inspection on Sunday morning, Dee. 15th, every man on parade was 
presented with a pair of white cotton gloves, which were to be worn on the fol- 
lowing day, when there was to be an inspection by a Brigade Stafif Officer. 
On that occasion, every man endeavored to appear without spot or blemish 
upon his clothing and equipments, and at Dress Parade the Colonel informed 
us that the inspecting officer had compUmented the Regiment very highly. 
That afternoon, after the inspection, we started upon a reconnoitering expe- 
dition, accompanied by the 4th Maine Regiment, and a Battery of Artillery. 
When we reached our pickets, however, several miles from camp, a staJE 
officer arrived from Gen. Sedgwick, and countermanded our orders, and we 
returned to camp. 


Capt. O 'Sullivan was bom in Boston in April, 1838, and in early life went to 
Lawrence with his parents. He obtained his elementary education in the private 
schools of Lawrence, and entered Holy Cross College in the year 1854, where he studied 
until 1861. 

When the Civil War commenced he reUnquished his studies and obtained per- 
mission to enlist a company of soldiers for duty in the field. He found no difficulty 
in securing volunteers and when his Company was organized he was confronted with 
an order to disband it. Hearing of the Mozart Regiment, he accepted the invitation 
to join it, and he commanded the Company with much ability. He was highly 
respected as an ofi&cer and as a man, for he was a perfect gentleman and one of the 
most scholarly oflScers in the Regiment. No man was braver and no officer treated 
his men with greater respect, which was the great secret of his power and influence 
over them. 

He performed faithful service until his death, which occurred at the Battle of 
Fredericksburg, Dec. 13, 1862. His body was not recovered, and his father, who 
visited the scene of the battle, could find no trace of the burial place. Since then 
it is said that his watch and sword were found in the possession of a man residing in 
Florida, who served in the rebel army, and who refused to relinquish the property. 


About the middle of December, a scheme was evolved that startled army 
officials, not only in our Division and immediate vicinity, but in Washington 
also, for nothing like it had ever before been attempted under military 
auspices in the field. It was another "Mozart Proposition," and one that 
added to our fame and notoriety. The idea originated with Capt. IngaUs, 
who suggested it to Col. Riley and some other officers. He proposed to erect 
a log theater, in which to present plays and hold lectures or give concerts. 
The undertaking took immediate shape and, with the consent of Gen. Sedg- 
wick, an Association was formed, each member of which subscribed for a cer- 
tain number of shares of the stock, the proceeds of which were used to equip 
the theater. The building was begun at once, and was one himdred feet long 
by sixty feet wide. It was constructed of pine logs from the ground a dis- 
tance of fifteen feet, above which it was built of timber and boards, ten feet 
higher. It was not painted, but covered with heavy canvas on the inside. 
A balcony was constructed all around the building, and a stage, and benches 
were erected for seats except in the balcony or dress circle, where chairs and 
stools were used. The materials, such as windows, doors, boards, nails, etc., 
were purchased in Washington. A drop curtain and a few sets of scenery 
made up the stage equipment, which was increased with necessary stage 
properties from the several camps. The theater was completed in about two 
months, but it was far enough advanced on Feb. 2d, to use for religious pur- 
poses, and the four Regiments of our Brigade united in a service with the four 
Chaplains officiating in some part of the exercises. The sermon was deliv- 
ered by the Chaplain of the 38th New York Regiment, and it was an eloquent 
discourse. Gen. Sedgwick attended with his staff in full uniform, and there 
were five ladies present, whose singing greatly enhanced the pleasure of the 
occasion. When finished, the building was illuminated with gas made on the 
grounds, by a manufacturing appliance, from the refuse fat and bones that 
were gathered each day at the cook houses, of which there were nearly half a 
hundred connected with the Brigade. The entire cost of the structure was a 
little in excess of $3000, exclusive of labor, logs and canvas. The first dra- 
matic performance was given on the evening of Wednesday, Feb. 12, 1862, 
when Ben Rogers and Susan Denin christened this unique Temple of Dramatic 
Art by presenting two plays, the names of which I do not remember. 

A large audience witnessed the performance, among whom were quite a 
number of ladies, the wives of officers, who came from headquarters with Gen. 
Sedgwick, or from the various regiments wliere they were guests. The inau- 
guration of this enterprise was successful, and it was patronized by many 
soldiers from all parts of the army. Thereafter, performances were ^ven 
several evenings each week. Sergt. McWade, of Company C, was a pro- 



fessional actor, and he appeared on several occasions. A Minstrel Company 
was formed and principally composed of men in the ranks, the soloists belong- 
ing to Company G, and the chorus largely to Company H. They presented a 
very creditable and meritorious performance, in minstrel style, with end men 
and interlocutor. Stanley of Company G was the "bones," and he was a 
very skillful performer with the ebonies. These entertainments were adver- 
tised throughout the Division by posters, in the usual way, and one of these, 
and the only one known to be in existence, is owned by Miss Emma Sylvester, 
daughter of oiu- Commissary Sergeant. The sheet is about thirty inches long, 
and ten inches wide, and upon the following page it is reproduced in lan- 
guage, style and composition. 

The entertainments continued until we departed from Camp Sackett 
to engage in the Peninsular Campaign, but the enterprise did not prove 
financially profitable, and those who purchased stock lost their entire invest- 
ment. Nearly all of the Mozart officers subscribed, and that is why it was 
essentially a Mozart project. It was so regarded and spoken of, although a 
few officers connected with other Regiments in the Brigade contributed 
small amounts. In the amusing farce "Box and Cox," Capt. Ingalls 
made quite an impression, and although somewhat nervous, he displayed 
more dramatic ability than he was supposed to possess. I remember how 
vigorous he was in the play, when, entering his room and finding the break- 
fast of Mr. Box cooking on the stove, he snatched it from the frying pan 
with a fork and flung it, with more vehemence than he had intended, across 
the stage and into the parquette in front of the audience. It caused some 
merriment, but Capt. Ingalls continued his lines as if nothing had happened. 
I have often thought of this trifling incident, since our army hfe, and have 
as often heartily laughed at the remembrance of the thriUing scene. Even 
Capt. Ingalls, after the performance, admitted that he was himself amused 
at his forcible action. This theatrical enterprise was not duplicated or 
attempted by any other mihtary organization during the war. It served as 
a relief from the ennui and monotony of camp life, during the months of 
preparation and waiting for the Virginia campaign to be renewed. 

There was still another instance of originaUty by the Mozart Re^ment, 
when, at the end of the war, and while the Regiment occupied its final encamp- 
ment in Virginia, a Veteran Association was formed at the suggestion of 
Capt. Murphy, that has continued to the present time. And not only was an 
Association organized, but a constitution and by-laws were adopted, printed 
and distributed to the members before the Regiment was mustered out of the 
service on June 27,1865. And for the purpose of excluding " conscripts " 
and "bounty jumpers" from the Association, it was voted to confine the 
membership to those who had served for a period of two years. There was 
no dupUcation of this action by any other Regiment, and thus the Mozarters 
may claim two examples of adaptation to circumstances not exemplified 
by our comrades in arms. 

From the preamble in the pamphlet containing the constitution and 
by-laws above mentioned, I clip the following: — "In view of our brilliant 
career, and of the firm and sincere comradeship which has always existed 
among us, we could challenge the world to produce a more harmonious 
organization than this has been, or one whose military record has been more 



Admission, Dress Circle 50 cents. Parquette 25 cents^ 

Stage Manager. Capt. William C. Morgan, Third Maine. 

Asst. Stage Manager. Lieut. F. Althouse, 38th New York. 

Treasurer. Capt. Sullivan, 40th New York. 












This Monday Evening, the Performance will Commence with the Amusing Farce 

Entitled: — 


Flipper, Capt. Wm. C. Morgan. Second Floor Lodger, Lieut. Lee. 

Nobber, Capt. John M. Cooney. Jim, Mr. Stokes. 



Overture Fui-i- Band. 

Chorus — Down the River, Troupe. 

Jocky Hat and Feather Stanley. 

Fairy Dell, Chamberlain. 

Old Kentucky Home Newland. 

Gipsy Davey Stanley. 

Quickstep, Troupe. 

India Rubber Feats, Master Charles. 

Banjo Solo, Newland. 


Bone Solo, Stanley. 

The Celebrated Lucy Long Dance, (In Character) . . . Terrill, 

The Entertainment will conclude with the Favorite Farce Entitled: — 
Box, a Journeyman Printer, Lieut. George Cooney. 

Cox, a Journeyman Hatter, Capt. Albert S. Ingalls. 

Mrs. Bouncer, Miss Julep. 

Doors open at 6 o'clock. Curtain will rise at 7 o'clock precisely. 

Strict order will be enforced. Stamping, Smoking, etc.. Strictly Prohibited. 

Military Men, whether Officers or otherwise, will appear in FULL DRESS, 
without side arms. 


honorable. In view of this, we deem it advisable before we separate for 
our respective homes, which are widely separated, to form a society by 
means of which we may at intervals meet in social reunions, and bind more 
firmly the already weD-tested connections among ms." The meeting was 
held just previous to the final muster out of the regiment at camp at Bailey's 
Cross Roads, June 27, 1865, and it was voted to form a Veteran Association 
to be known as "The Mozart Association, Fortieth Regiment N. Y. Veteran 

Although the army had not been ordered into winter quarters, the Ides 
of December found us preparing for severe weather. We had concluded 
that there would be no forward movement during the winter, and we began 
to reconstruct our tents. Log huts were constructed for the better accom- 
modation of the officers, and log stables had already been erected for the 
horses. Our Sergeants' tent was made more spacious by building walls 
two feet high, with spruce logs, between which, the cracks were filled with 
clay, and then, pitching our double tent upon the top log. We next dug 
the earth from the interior to the depth of two feet, which gave us a 
height of ten feet from floor to ridgepole, and plenty of room for our diminu- 
tive sheet-iron stove that had been purchased of an itinerant selling agent 
from Baltimore. To afford us still more space, we constructed bunks at 
the rear of the tent, one above the other. My bunk was made by stretching 
two poles upon forked stakes driven into the ground. The poles were 
eight feet long, two feet apart and one foot from the board floor. Across 
these poles I nailed barrel staves, and on them I spread an old tent. I 
then made a canvas bedtick and filled it with hay, which made a very accept- 
able bed, and with a blanket to cover me and my knapsack for a pillow, it 
was certainly comfortable. 

On the day preceding Christmas, Col. Riley suggested that we decorate the 
camp, and during the day we obtained hundreds of cedar and fir trees, which 
grew near there in abundance. Every street was adorned with them, and 
the flag pole was decorated with them at the base and was handsomely 
festooned with vines. The next day (Christmas) some negro contrabands 
came into camp and we had immense sport with one of them who could dance 
in plantation style. He furnished his own music by clapping his hands 
together or upon various parts of his anatomy, which perfectly marked the 
time. His movements were extremely grotesque and embraced motions of 
the body in gyrations and curves which were artistic although crude and 
inelegant. This was continued for fifteen minutes, during which we were 
convulsed with laughter by the oddness of the evolutions, which were exceed- 
ingly ludicrous. Nearly as soon as one dance was finished, another began, 
and for several hours this negro furnished diversion for the hundreds who 
witnessed the entertainment. 

Our Christmas menu consisted of beef steak and potatoes for breakfast, 
beef soup for dinner, and boiled rice for supper, with bread, coffee and tea 
at each meal. Some had boxes sent from home filled with "the good things 
of Ufe," and the Sergeants' tent was supphed with one of the mince pies, 
which we found to be delicious. 

I did not begin to study the tactics with much earnestness until after 
my promotion to Sergeant, for after the promotion of Gould and Graves, there 


seemed some encouragement, and I very quickly memorized the entire 
contents of the first volume of "Hardee," and was therefore prepared for 
examination whenever the next vacancy occurred. I even carried the text- 
book with me on picket and studied it there, for at this time we remained 
on picket two days and I had considerable leisure. The sequel of this 
endeavor will be disclosed later. 

The new year found the Re^ment well settled in comfortable winter 
quarters, and upon the return of Col. Riley from his brief furlough, drilling 
in battalion movements was resumed and continued every suitable day, 
but at this time an imexpected dilemma confronted Col. Riley, who was con- 
stantly entreated for furloughs. A perfect epidemic pervaded the regiment. 
Lieut. Col. Egan, Capt. Ingalls, Capt. Lindsey and many other officers 
had been granted "leave of absence," for short terms. Aiid so the fever 
had spread until sergeants, corporals, and privates were attacked by the 
prevailing frenzy for a furlough. Col. Riley was besieged by day and by 
night with importimities until he was teased and worried, if not irritated. 
In a few instances furloughs for two weeks were granted, which only made 
others more urgent. Almost every conceivable reason or excuse was given 
for requesting the indulgence, and in not a few cases, conditions at home 
were misrepresented to obtain the coveted permission to go there. The 
Colonel was generally able to detect deception, but in one case he encount- 
ered an expert impostor who told a pitiful fabrication about his sick wife 
in New York, who, he said, could not live, and that he should never see her 
again unless he coidd have a furlough. The Colonel told him he would 
consider the request and inform him in a few days. When three days 
had passed, Patrick again appeared at the Colonel's tent, with "later news" 
from home, sajdng that he must come at once if he desired to see his wife 
alive. Believing that the man was prevaricating. Col. Riley determined 
to test him, and the following conversation ensued : — 

"Your wife is very sick, is she?' 

"Yes, Colonel." 

"You have a letter saying she is sick?" 

"Yes, Colonel." 

"Well, I have a letter from your wife also. I wrote to her and she 
says she is well and does not want you to come home." 

Patrick smiled and said: — 

"Did you write a letter to my wife, Colonel?" 

"Yes, I did, and she is not sick." 

"Did my wife write to you. Colonel?" 

"Yes, she did, and what do you mean by coming to me with a lie about 
your sick wife? What have you to say for yourself?" 

"Well, Colonel, all I have to say is that there's two of the biggest liars 
in the Mozart Regiment that can be found in the whole Army of the 

"Why, Patrick, how is that?" 

"Well, Colonel, I'm not married at all. I am one of the biggest liars, 
and you can guess who is the other one." 

After that, nothing more could be said. Patrick had foimd his match, 


and so had the Colonel, but he congratulated himself that while he might 
have compromised himself, Patrick did not get the furlough. 

I am aware that the above episode has been published and frequently 
related at public gatherings, since the war, but attributed to some other 
Regiment. Its origin, however, as stated, is fully authenticated and 
vouched for by Col. Riley, who substantiates the accuracy of the incident as 
I have narrated it. 

At this time we could not find the enemy without traveling ten mUes. 
The extreme right of the rebel pickets, opposite us, began about two miles 
from Pohick church, extending around beyond Pohick, and thence down to 
Fairfax station. From our picket line we could see the Occoquan only two 
miles distant, and the rifle pits the enemy had erected on the opposite bank 
of that stream. The fire from those rifle pits could sweep our side of the 
river, which in many places was less than ten yards wide. 

I find the following in my diary under date of Jan. 12th: — "It hardly 
seems possible that this is January, for it is a summer day. However, at 
night, whatever the warmth of the day, the thermometer extends downward 
and the air is cuttingly cold. It is then that we suffer on guard and picket 
duty. No word of murmuring, however, is uttered. We enlisted to do 
what is required of soldiers, and expecting to suffer the hardships and priva- 
tions of a soldier's life, we do the work cheerfully and submit to the discom- 
forts and dangers which were self assumed, in defense of our coimtry." 

Handling a cold musket in winter with naked hands is not a corofortable 
occupation, and so I was delighted to receive a Christmas present from home, 
consisting of a pair of woolen mittens, knit by my sweetheart, with a thumb 
and forefinger, which enabled me to handle my musket and prevented 
suffering from the exposure incident to its use under wintry conditions. 

The Mason-Slideli episode was thoroughly discussed in the army, and it 
was generally the opinion that England very wisely refrained from assiuning 
a threatening attitude. Had we refused to release the captured ambassadors, 
the controversy would have been settled by diplomacy rather than by 
firearms, but it was doubtless the better policy to yield the traitors to 
England and her sympathetic populace. 

We were not uncomfortable while on picket, although not protected the 
same as in camp, and we had no beds. We occupied a hut made of brush 
and poles at my first service as Sergeant of the Picket Guard. It was located 
in the woods, and in the center we maintained a constant fire, at which we 
made our tea and coffee and toasted our bread. One day I summoned a 
Corporal, and we started upon a tour of discovery and visited the house of 
Major Fowle, who was then serving in the rebel army. In the basement we 
found five slaves owned by Fowle, whose family had vacated the premises 
and left the negroes. We entered and remained an hour or more in conver- 
sation with the inmates. We ordered hoecakes, which were cooked in our 
presence upon a three-legged iron "skillet" over coals drawn from the fire 
upon the brick hearth. Eaten hot, and with a plentiful supply of butter, 
these cakes, which were composed of com meal, salt and water, were quite 
palatable and refreshing. They were the principal food of the negroes with 
an occasional small ration of bacon. We also visited the widow Triplett, 
whose slaves had all deserted her except four. Nevertheless, she had barns 


full of hay and produce, and a smokehouse full of bacon, which, however, we 
dared not touch, as she displayed the flag, and where that waved, everything 
was sacred. 

To end our tramp, we went to the house of a free negro, who was the son 
of a slave who had been owned by Gen. Washington, but who was freed 
when the General died. Near this house there Uved a negro 105 years old 
who was himseK a slave of Gen. Washington, and who groomed his horse. 
Upon our return to camp from picket, I had charge of two soldiers of another 
Regiment, who had been arrested for foraging from Mrs. Triplett's reserved 
supply of fresh pork. They were tried by court martial and sentenced to 
pay $5.00 each. 

On Monday, Jan. 6, 1862, 1 attended a court martial at Fort Lyon as a 
witness. Private Thomas F. KeUy was arrested for threatening to shoot an 
officer. I heard him utter the threat and was summoned to testify. He 
was found guilty and sentenced to be dishonorably discharged from the 
army, and to imprisonment during the war. His sentence, however, was 
modified, and he escaped imprisonment through powerful influences at 
Washington. It commenced to snow as we were returning from picket duty 
Jan. 4th, but not a great quantity fell. The temperature feU, however, very 
sensibly and winter seemed to have just begun, but very opportunely we 
received new jackets on the seventh, and my diary says of them "they are 
nice and warm." But the weather in Virginia is very fickle, and after a 
week of freezing, there follows an "Indian Simmier." 

On Thursday, Jan. 16th, a new system of picket duty was inaugurated, 
and the entire Regiment went on picket for three days, and each of the twelve 
Regiments in the Division was scheduled to foUow in succession. This plan 
gave to each Regiment three days of continuous picket duty in each thirty-six 
days. Our picket line stretched a distance of ten miles from Mount Vernon 
to the Fairfax Road. During our tour of duty, a scouting expedition was sent 
out to Accotink Creek, but we saw nothing of the enemy. On this last day 
of our service on the picket line, we found ourselves short of rations, but the 
cooks had been notified and they brought us an ample supply of fresh beef 
and bread. We were relieved by the 2d Michigan Regiment, and when we 
tramped back to camp, the mud was ankle deep, but we experienced no bad 
effects from it or from our three days' bivouac in the woods. I had fortified 
myself with a pair of new high top boots reaching to the knees, which I 
ordered made for me in Boston, and I therefore knew neither cold nor wet 


Captaik Francis A. Johnson. 

Capt. Johnson was bom in Franklin, Mass., Mar. 22d, 1827, and the son 
of Warren and Eliza. When eight years old he was "bound out" for one 
year, to a farmer, " to do chores and go to school. " In the summer, he worked 
in a cotton factory in 1838 and 1839. In 1840, he went to work on a farm, 
and remained untU the fall of 1843, going to school in winter. When he 
was sixteen years old, he went to sea and continued a sailor until the spring 
of 1850, visiting during that time a great many ports in South America, the 
Sandwich Islands, Sitka, in Alaska, and other distant lands. When he 
reached home, in the spring of 1850, he worked in MUford, Mass., as a boot- 

He was married July 30th, 1851, to Sarah J. Aldrich, and three children 
were bom to them before the Civil War commenced, viz. : — Oscar E., bom 
Oct. 27, 1852; C!haries Fred, bom Aug. 29, 1855; and George F., bom Oct. 14, 
1857. In 1853, he enUsted in Company A, 10th Regiment Massachusetts 
State Mihtia, and served until the war began in 1861. In May, 1861, he 
enlisted in the MUford company that joined the Mozart Regiment and served 
therein as Lieutenant and Captain imtil disabled, as related elsewhere in this 

After his return from the war, Capt. Johnson was for many years engaged 
in the hotel business and located in Pl3rmouth, Mass. Two children were 
bom to Capt. Johnson after his retirement from the army, viz. : — Lottie May, 
bom Dec. 25, 1863, and Harry L., bom Aug. 30, 1875. He has now retired 
from business, and resides in Florida during the winter. In summer, he 
resides in Endicott, N. Y., with his family, which remains unbroken. The 
sons, Fred, George and Harry, conduct a shoe busiaess that has no equal in 
size, and they employ exceeding five thousand persons. The oldest son, 
Oscar, is a Methodist clergyman, and as I write, is located in Marlboro, Mass. 



Very early in February there appeared evidences that we were not to 
remain a long time in our comfortable winter quarters. Spring was approach- 
ing and the people and the government were demanding a forward movement 
of the Army of the Potomac, and the clamor was having an efifect upon 
Gien. McClellan, who was reticent concerning his intentions, but who had 
aevertheless issued secret orders which indicated preparations for marching. 
President Lincoln had ordered Gen. McClellan to begin a movement not 
later than Feb. 23d, but when the time arrived, there were no visible signs 
of compliance, but nevertheless a campaign had been planned, although 
its execution was deferred for more than a month. 

My diary, imder date of Feb. 16th, mentions the first death in our Com- 
pany as having occurred on the previous Sunday, in the Regimental Hospital, 
at Camp Sackett. Comrade John P. Gammon was the first one of our number 
to succumb to the great destroyer that was destined to make such havoc in 
our ranks as the next three years witnessed. Deceased was one of the 
original members who enlisted in Arlington. He was a strong, robust man 
then and a fanner, bom in Baldwin, Me., where he owned a farm at the time 
of his enlistment. He had acted from patriotic motives, but supposed that 
the war would end in a few months. He informed me, previous to his sick- 
ness, of his disappointment at the continuance of the war, and that he had 
not left his home affairs in a condition for him to be long absent. I think he 
fretted and mourned about the farm and his inability to obtain a discharge 
from the army, until he became sick through discouragement and dejection. 
He entered the hospital in January and was treated for nostalgia, or home- 
sickness, which developed into melancholia, but his death was caused by 
lung fever, or pneimionia, as it is now diagnosed. He lingered until Sunday, 
Feb. 9th. I remained at his bedside through the previous night and minis- 
tered to his comfort, as I had done on several former occasions. The death 
caused genuine regret among the members of our Company, for the deceased 
had been a faithful soldier and was always ready to perform his duty. At 
roll call that day, Capt. Ingalls announced the death, and suggested that the 
body be sent home, and that each member contribute a proportionate share 
of the expense. It was imanimously voted to adopt the suggestion, and the 
body was handsomely coffined and forwarded by express, the assessment for 
each member of the Company being ninety cents. On Tuesday morning 
the remains were escorted to Alexandria by the entire Company and delivered 
to the express company there. 

The Regiment was on picket again Feb. 13th, for three days, and I was 
stationed with a corporal and eight men, in command of a picket post about 
two miles from Pohick church. On Saturday morning, our Company was 



sent out to the front upon a scouting expedition. We started at three o'clock, 
and two hours later we were eight miles beyond our picket outposts, and 
fourteen miles from Camp Sackett. We pushed forward to within two miles 
of the rebel camps and heard their reveille. We were on the Richmond 
turnpike road, sixteen miles west of Fairfax Court House, and we did not 
reach our pickets until 9 o'clock, having been away six hours, and having 
marched sixteen miles through mud, and crossed swollen streams, among 
which were the Accotink, Occoquan and Pohick Creeks. 

Four inches of snow fell that day, but the storm did not begin until we 
were again on the picket line, where we arrived dreadfully tired and fero- 
ciously hungry. Hot coffee, fresh beef, and fried hard crackers refreshed us, 
and after an hour's rest, we were ready for another exciting adventure. 

In mid-February, 1862, the government conferred a great blessing upon 
the soldiers in the field and their families at home, by introducing an allot- 
ment system, whereby a soldier could authorize the transmission of a portion 
of his monthly pay to any person he might name in any part of the country. 
A great many soldiers at the front had a wife and children, or parents, or 
others wholly or partially dependent upon them, and this allotment provision 
aimed to make the remittance safe and regular. This was exceedingly bene- 
ficial, for the paymaster was irregular and could not be depended upon to 
reach us in the field at a stipulated time, and the new scheme afforded a 
method by which those at home could receive their allowance as soon as it 
became due. To make the plan available, the soldier signed an order 
authorizing the government to pay a certain sum to the person he named, 
who every month received a check that was payable at any bank in the 
country. Many of the Mozarters embraced the opportunity to remit in this 
manner, myself among them, and thereafter my mother never faUed to receive 
the ten dollars per month that I allotted her, as promptly as it became 
payable. In a vast niunber of instances, when the soldier was taken prisoner, 
this plan proved a great boon to his beneficiary, for the remittance continued 
just the same as if the soldier was in effective service, when, had the allotment 
not been made, the pay would have remained in the United States Treasury 
and could not have been withdrawn, even by the soldier himself, while he 
remained a prisoner. 

I have stated that Col. Riley promised promotion to deserving and capable 
aspirants as fast as vacancies occurred, and tmtil he was interfered with by 
Gov. Morgan, he fulfilled his pledge. But he was not long permitted to have 
any voice in the selection of his oflScers, for Gov. Morgan insisted that it was 
his privilege to name the oflScers without regard to the wishes of commanding 
officers. No one could dispute his authority, and not even the Secretary of 
War dared to assume any control of this vitally important matter. The 
United States Government exercised the right to dismiss officers, but it 
assumed no power to appoint them, consequently the soldiers who had 
earned promotion and who were qualified to take command, foimd themselves 
ignored and the Colonel powerless to order their advancement. Col. Riley 
exceedingly regretted his inability to thwart the Governor, and so, when our 
Lieut. Ballou severed his connection with the regiment in early February, 
1862, the vacancy thus created in our Company was filled by a stripling 
from New York named Vanderpool, who was entirely destitute of military 


experience and totally ignorant of military tactics. He was a beardless boy 
scarcely twenty years old and incapable of giving the simplest order correctly. 
To such as he was the success of our arms committed, and to such as he 
were the lives of veteran soldiers confided. And not only was our Regiment 
affected, but aU New York regiments, and not only was Gov. Morgan willing 
to intrust the safety of the Republic to military ignoramuses, but all the 
Governors of the loyal States exercised the right to appoint officers and to 
fill vacancies in their respective regiments. Capt. IngaUs had told me, after 
the promotion of Sergts. Gould and Graves, that I should be the next one of 
our Company to receive a commission, but when the retirement of Lieut. 
Ballou caused a vacancy, a novice in military knowledge received the prize 
in spite of Col. RUey and Capt. Ingalls, both of whom vigorously protested 
against the outrage. Later, there were other importations into the Regiment, 
among whom were Lieut. Mallon, Lieut. Fitzgerald, Sergt. Cannon and Sergt. 
Gilder. These were trained soldiers, and no one could take exception to 
their quaUfications, but their introduction to the Mozart Regiment prevented 
the advancement of capable veteran soldiers who were wrongfully and 
needlessly supplanted. The promotion of Capt. IngaUs to Major created a 
vacancy that should have been filled by the promotion to Captain of Lieut. 
Gould, who had ably commanded the Company after the promotion of his 
superior officer. Lieut. Gould deserved to be advanced to Captain, but it 
was given to Lieut. Fitzgerald, who had never served in the Company, and 
had been identified with the Regiment less than four months. Thus was 
Lieut. Gould robbed by Gov. Morgan of the honor that belonged to him, and 
the vacancy his promotion would have created did not occur, and I was also 
robbed of the commission promised to me by Capt. Ingalls. The same was 
true in other companies, and after that time no one could hope for promotion 
and no one received promotion for many dreary weeks and months. Capt. 
Fitzgerald did not take command of our Company, but instead, was assigned 
to the staff of Gen. Kearny. Lieut. Gould retained command of the Com- 
pany, but Capt. Fitzgerald held the honor and received the extra compen- 
sation. Sergt. Cannon came to us from a New Jersey Regiment through the 
intercession of Gen. Kearny, at whose headquarters Comrade Cannon was 
serving as clerk. He was universally respected, but among those who were 
ambitious for promotion the feeling prevailed that the officers who had been 
forced upon us should have become identified with the new regiments which 
were continually in process of formation. Had it been the policy of Gov. 
Morgan to draw experienced officers from the army to command the new 
regiments, much friction would have been prevented, and many experienced 
soldiers would have been promoted and much longer have retained their 
connection with the forces at the front, instead of remaining in the hospitals 
on special duty until their term of service expired. 

I intend no reflection upon the officers I have named for accepting com- 
missions which had been earned by and which rightfully belonged to others. 
I respect and honor them for their devotion and bravery. They performed 
valiant service for their country and imperiled their lives in its defense. In 
fact, as Conunander of the Tammany Regiment, to which he was transferred. 
Col. Mallon yielded his life at Bristoe Station in 1862. Capt. Fitzgerald 
served as a staff officer with distinction, and for his efficiency at the Battle of 


Fredericksburg, he was highly complimented in the official reports of that 
sanguinary engagement. Lieut. Gilder was wounded at Gettysburg, and 
resigned to accept promotion to Captain and Asst. Adj. Gen. of United States 
Volunteers. Lieut. Cannon obtained promotion through the various grades 
of service, until he received a commission as Lieutenant Colonel, and he com- 
manded the Regiment during the last six months of the war and until its dis- 
bandment. Even with such distinguished services as these officers rendered, 
the fact remains that their advent in the Mozart Regiment was the result of 
an unjust favoritism. They brought intelligence and military knowledge 
to the Regiment, but it accomplished no more than if their places had been 
filled by some of the worthy Sergeants who were superseded by the invaders. 
In fact, the esprit de corps of the Regiment was injuriously affected by the pre- 
ferment of those officers. As to Vanderpool, he died at Fort Hamilton, New 
York Harbor, Aug. 3, 1862, from a wound received in action at White Oak 
Swamp, June 30, 1862. 

From this relation of facts, it appears that the Mozart Re^ment was used 
as a stepping stone to obtain military precedence, and that in consequence, 
a disturbed temperament prevailed in the Regiment among those who had 
hoped .for and expected early advancement, as had been promised them from 
the earUest organization of the Regiment. Scores of eager aspirants for pro- 
motion were not considered, and it is little wonder that they regarded the 
intrusion of others as an imwarranted indignity. 

With the appearance of Lieut. Vanderpool at Camp Sackett, holding the 
commission that was promised to myself, I concluded that promotions from 
the Company would be long postponed, and by advice of Capt. Ligalls, I 
determined to apply for a Commission in a Maine Regiment. The movement 
commenced in my native town in the form of an application to the Governor 
of Maine, indorsed by the Selectmen and a large number of my feUow-towns- 
men. Testimonials were also forwarded by Capt. IngaUs and Lieut. Gould 
as follows : — 


Caup Sackbtt, Va., Mar. 8th, 1862. 
To His Excellency, Gov. Washbusn of Maine, 

Sir : — Having been requested by Sergt. Fred C. Floyd, to state in writing my 
opinion of his ability to perform the duties of Lieutenant in the Service, and also my 
knowledge of his conduct as a man and soldier, I comply with pleasure. 

Sergt. Floyd entered my Ciompany as a private in April, 1861, and has been with 
it from that time to the present. He has been promoted for merit alone, and has never 
been found wanting in his duty. He is a young man of excellent habits and undoubted 
capacity, and would be an honor to his native State should you think fit to grant him 
a Commission. 

I should be sorry to lose him from my Company, but cannot refuse to bear testi- 
mony to his integrity and capacity. 

indorsement of LIBDT. GOULD. 

Camp near Alexandria, Va., Mar. 10th, 1862. 
To His Excellency, The Governor of Maine. 

Understanding that Sergt. Fred 0. Floyd of Saco, Maine, now a member of Com- 
pany H, of this Regiment, has made an appUcation to you for a Commission as Lieuten- 
ant in one of the regiments from your State, it affords me great pleasure to be able to 
testify to his worth and capabilities. I hare been in the same Company of this Regi- 
ment since its organization, and have had every opportunity to observe and test his 
fitness. I think he would bear with great credit, and without hesitation, a severe 


military examination. But not only is he fitted by education, study and practical 
observation and experience, for the Post he seeks, but he is a young man of exception- 
able habits, using no iatoxicating liquors or profane language. 

I am thus particular in alluding to his habits, because I consider the efficiency of 
many officers spoiled by their excess in social vices. I think Sergeant Floyd would 
make a better officer for the Post he seeks, than seventy-five per cent of those occupy- 
ing similar positions in the army. 

These documents, and others, were delivered to Gov. Washburn, and two 
months later, after the siege of Yorktown and the battle of Williamsburg, a 
communication reached me from the State House at Augusta, saying that all 
vacancies had been filled, and advising that I obtain a discharge from the 
army, and proceed to Maine and organize a company of volunteers, with the 
imderstanding that I should be appointed the Captain. As it was impossible 
for me to obtain a discharge for such a purpose, I made no attempt in that 
direction and abandoned the idea of obtaining promotion either in the Mozart 
Regiment, or in any other. To say that I was greatly disappointed but 
feebly expressed my feelings, for it became more and more apparent that pro- 
motion could not be expected by Mozarters in Company H, and in proof that 
my convictions were warranted, I need only state that but one member of our 
original Company obtained a Commission after that date. And that was not 
granted rnitil December, 1863, or nearly two years after my promotion was 
frustrated by Gov. Morgan. More than two years elapsed after the promotion 
of Sergeants Gtould and Graves before Sergt. James Schuter was promoted, 
and he was the last to receive recognition. Of the ninety-eight non-com- 
missioned officers and privates of Company H who were sworn into the 
United States service at Yonkers, only three received commissions. And it 
was not because there were no worthy and capable men in the Company, for 
all of the Sergeants were intelligent and amply qualified to serve as commis- 
sioned officers. So also were Corporals Fletcher, Wiley, Hanna and Breslin, 
as well as privates Fish and Frost, and some others. It was wrong to deprive 
such men of the promotions to which they were entitled by reason of their 
honorable and faithful service. 

Late in the year 1861, Sergt. William H. Warner of Company A, and Pri- 
vate Emmons F. Fletcher of Company G were promoted to the rank of Second 
Lieutenant, but with these exceptions, until the following year, vacancies were 
fiUed from outside of our ranks. But soon after we had entered upon the 
Peninsula campaign in 1862, and had captured Yorktown and fought the 
Battle of Williamsburg, orders were issued from the War Department that 
the Governors of States would not be permitted to fill vacancies except from 
the enUsted men in the Service. This order gave new life to ambitious veter- 
ans, and during 1862, after the victory of Williamsburg, no less than ten of 
them in our Regiment were promoted. Among these were several whose sub- 
sequent service proved the wisdom of their promotion. Li this connection, 
I mention Lieut. W. H. H. Johnson, who was killed at Gettysburg; Lieut. W. 
R. Stevens, who was killed at Fredericksburg; Capt. Joseph W. Clymer of 
Company F, who was woimded at Locust Grove, and Capt. George C. Dow of 
Company B, who was wounded at Haymarket, Va., and again woimded and 
taken prisoner at Chancellorsville. These officers were as efficient as any of 
their rank who served in the Regiment. 

In 1863 the poUcy of selecting officers from the ranks was continued, and 


it gave us twelve promotions, and some of the men thus advanced made 
notable records and achieved distinction. Among these were Capt. H. T. 
Walcott of Company G, who was killed at the Wilderness; Lieut. R. M. Boody 
of Company B, who was wounded four times, and awarded a Medal of Honor 
for conspicuous bravery in battle; Major A. W. Keene of Company G, who 
was woimded, and who passed through all the grades of service from 
Private to Major; Lieut. James Schuter of Company H, who was killed 
at Petersburg; and Lieut. Washington Peel of Company D, who was 
first wounded at Chantilly and again at the Wilderness, after which 
he was killed at Petersburg. Two others of this dozen valiant oflBcers, 
Lieut. Halsey of Company A, and Lieut. Van Moll of Company B, were 
wounded in battle, and two others, Lieut. Sweet and Lieut. Marshall, both of 
Company G, served with great acceptance as Adjutant and Quartermaster, 

The year 1864 found the Regiment largely decimated of its original material, 
and during that year the original term of enlistment expired, and many who 
ranked among the bravest veterans of the war terminated their service, with 
all of its hardships and perils. We had been reenforced and strengthened by 
the veterans of the 37th, 38th, 55th, 74th, 87th, and 101st New York Regi- 
ments, and many promotions deservedly went to them. But during the year, 
four of the original Mozarters who had reenlisted, were promoted. Of these, 
Lieut. Thomas W. Walton of Company A was woimded at Gettysburg and 
at the Wilderness, and being incapacitated by his wounds, he resigned after a 
total service of three years and six months. Lieut. W. H. Scammell of Com- 
pany G, who received a wound at Fair Oaks, was promoted to First Lieutenant 
and succeeded Lieut. Marshall as Quartermaster. Capt. George N. Chamber- 
lain of Company G was wounded at Spottsylvania, but he continued in ser- 
vice after his wound healed, and served, in all, a few days more than four 
years. Lieut. J. H. B. Jenkins received a Commission late in 1864, and was 
mustered out with the regiment in June, 1865, after serving four years. The 
war ended in 1865, but there were two of the reenlisted Mozarters who 
received Commissions that year. They were Lieut. E. Sengmeyer of Com- 
pany A, who was wounded at Cold Harbor, and Lieut. John H. Taylor, who 
received a wound at Bull Run in 1862. The exigencies of the service found 
abundant material in our ranks for leadership from among those who entered 
the Regiment through consolidation, but I leave their names for future men- 
tion, it being my object at the present time to show that the officers selected 
from the ranks were equal or superior to those who were appointed by Gov. 



Capt. William H. Warner. 

Capt. Warner was bom of American ancestry, in New York City, June 
1, 1837. He received a common school education in his native city, and 
learned the trade of a bookbinder, but had not devoted much time to it 
before the Civil War commenced. 

After the war, Capt. Warner engaged in the flour milling business on the 
banks of the Hudson River in Greene County, N. Y., and remained there 
until he went to Ohio in 1879. Later, owing to his wounds and army dis- 
abilities, he was forced to seek the benefits of the Military Home in Da3rton, 
Ohio, where he was given conunand of a Company and where he remained 
several years, nursing the wound he received at the Battle of the Wilderness, 
which caused permanent disability, the bullet that injured him having entered 
the left cheek, and passing through, emerged at the base of the brain. 

He was mustered in Post 5, Grand Army of the Republic of Ohio, in 1879, 
and is a Past Commander of that Post. He also wears the square and com- 
pass, having been raised in Commonwealth Lodge, No. 409, F. and A. M., of 
Brooklyn, N. Y. 

In 1884 he married Miss Emma Ells, of Dayton, Ohio, and they had one 
child, a boy, who died while yet a child. With his loving partner, the Captain 
is now pleasantly situated in Yellow Springs, Ohio, where, with kind wishes 
and hopes that it may be many years yet ere the bugle blows the last call of 
"Lights Out," we will now leave him. The portrait represents him in the 
uniform of his rank at the Military Home, in 1898. See military record in the 



There were quite a number of ladies in camp during the last days of 
winter and the days of early spring of 1862, among whom was Mrs. Ingalls, 
wife of our Captain, who remained at Camp Saekett several weeks. The 
anniversary of Washington's birth occurred on Saturday, and it was cele- 
brated by salutes at sunrise, noon, and sunset from all of the forts. I acted 
as Sergeant of the Guard during the preceding night, and as early as five 
o'clock that morning, the bands of the different regiments were out and 
playing the national airs. In the quiet stillness of the morning, the music 
echoed from hilltop to hiUtop, and reverberated across the plains and valleys 
in delightful strains of symphonic harmony. It was a charming and inspiring 
diversion. During the afternoon, the Mozarters assembled in the Lyceum 
Building, and held a jubilee of song, assisted by our guests, the ladies, and by 
many conwades from the 3d and 4th Maine Regiments, and the 38th N. Y. 
Regiment. Admission was free, and the house was packed. The acoustic 
properties of our imique theater were perfect, and we found it easy to fill the 
building with a volume of tone that was easily produced. 

The latter part of February brought us fine weather and fine roads. On 
the 27th, I wrote home : — " It seems just like Spring, for the air is mild and 
the birds are singing this morning, just the same as they will be in Maine two 
months later. " At about this time, all of the troops began to drill in the 
bayonet exercise. In our Company, it devolved upon the Sergeants to 
instruct the men in this exhilarating exercise. The Company was divided 
into squads of twenty men each, and each Sergeant drilled the same men at 
every lesson. With a single exception, my squad were easy learners, and 
they soon became proficient in exemplifying the "thrusts" and "parries" 
and all of the other movements used for attack and defense with the terrible 
bayonet, which every soldier dreaded because its wound was deadly. 

Our Company annals of Feb. 26th recorded a visit to Camp Saekett from 
Mr. Addison Gage, who was a wealthy resident of Arlington, and one of its 
most honored and respected citizens. He was the imcle of my tentmate, 
Sergt. Snow, and he had contributed very hberally in equipping our Com- 
pany at the beginning of its existence. He had come to Camp Saekett from 
a banquet he had given on the previous day to the Massachusetts officers 
who had been captured by the rebels at the Battle of Ball's Bluff, and a few 
days before had been released from imprisonment. He reported to us that 
the released officers were convinced that a strong Union sentiment prevailed 
in certain circles at Richmond, and that they were only waiting for the 
appearance of Union troops to assume an attitude of antagonism. 

Rumors were often repeated now that we should soon advance, and the 
indications were strengthened when the officers received positive orders to 



reduce their baggage to a valise or carpetbag. It was also said that the 
mails had been intercepted to prevent any knowledge of our movements 
reaching the enemy through army correspondence. On Friday, the last day 
of February, I wrote the following to my mother: — "The oflScers have 
received orders to reduce their baggage to what can be carried in a valise, and 
their extra baggage will be sent to Alexandria to-morrow. We are ordered to 
keep our knapsacks packed constantly, and be ready to march at a moment's 
warning. How soon this will be, we cannot tell. It may be a few days and 
it may not be for a fortnight. " At this date the strength of the Regiment was 
957 men, of whom sixty were aek or convalescent. Brig. Gen.^ Sedgwick was 
promoted to Major General at about this time, and assigned to the command 
of a Division in the Second Corps, commanded by Gen. Sumner. He was 
succeeded by Brig. Gen. David B. Bimey, who took immediate command of 
our Brigade and remained our Commander until he, too, was promoted, &st 
to the command of a Division, and then to a Corps Commander. 

That winter of 1862 at Camp Sackett was especially comfortable after our 
tents had been reconstructed to protect us from the weather. And especially 
in the Sergeants' tent, with Snow and Ellis for tentmates, the conditions were 
extremely dehghtf ul. We purchased a new camp stove that not only warmed 
the tent but enabled us to prepare some appetizing viands. Sergeant Snow 
had been reared in luxury, and as the army ration did not afford the luxuries 
to which he had been accustomed, his income was entirely devoted to pro- 
curing the "necessaries of life," as he termed such suppUes as could be 
obtained for cash, and when that was exhausted or hkely to be absorbed, he 
sent home for more and it always came. So with the supplies of food that 
Ellis and myself received from home, and Snow's generous remittances, we 
managed to serve meals of much excellence. We shared everything, even 
the cooking, for one day I would be frjdng griddle cakes and the next day 
Snow would superintend the preparation of an oyster stew, the ingredients 
of which were purchased of venders who visited our camp regularly from 
Alexandria. Ellis was not a success as a cook, and so he washed the dishes 
and cut the firewood. Some salt fish came to me from home, and we were 
just hungry for the rarity. We bought potatoes from the sutler, and a "salt 
fish dinner " was served that went to the right spot. Some of it went to Capt. 
Ingalls also, and he pronounced it exquisite. I relate these trifling incidents 
to emphasize the fact that while we were facing an enemy and were expecting 
to engage in the fiercest of battles, we were not entirely destitute of the 
enjo3rments of civilization. 

Midwinter brought to our camp an itinerant Knight of the Camera who 
confined his operations to the production of ambrotypes, which were pictures 
upon small plates of glass. Photography as it exists to-day was then 
unknown, and we were content with what was producible. Many members 
of the Regiment availed themselves of the opportunity to sit for a picture in 
uniform. I was among those who patronized this wandering artist, and the 
picture is to-day as bright and clear as when it was developed forty-five years 
previous to the time I am writing. The next page displays a facamile, 
and it will be observed that I was wearing the New York imjform and had 
my sword drawn and revolver conspicuously exposed. 

Until the beginning of 1862 we had enjoyed the privilege of uang 


franked envelopes for mailing letters. Congressman Van Wyck of New York 
furnished the envelopes and they were intrusted to Chaplain Gilder for 
distribution. We inclosed our letters in these envelopes and they were 
forwarded without expense. Some such arrangement was necessary, for 
we were paid so little and so infrequently, that a great majority of the 
soldiers were usually without funds with which to pay postage or an3rthing 
else. After the first year, however, some overzealous oflScial of the Post 
OflSce Department conceived the brilliant (?) idea that the Government was 
being defrauded through the abuse of the franking privilege. In conse- 
quence, the use of franked envelopes by soldiers was prohibited, and for a 
time every soldier in the army was discommoded, because the Government 
was not prompt in paying even those who were defending the Republic and 
were deprived of civiUan privileges. Recognizing the necessity of providing 
some way to enable the soldiers to communicate with their relatives and 
friends, a law was passed by Congress allowing the postage on soldiers' 
letters to be paid at the place of delivery. This arrangement enabled the 
soldiers to correspond with their friends, but it caused annoyance and delay, 
for the letter must first be certified by the Major of the Regiment before it 
could enter the mails. And besides, it was himiiliating for a soldier to thus 
confess his inability to pay postage, and Ukewise to the recipient of the letter, 
who must first pay the postage due upon a soldier's letter before it could be 
delivered. This acted as a discouragement to soldiers, and it was truly in 
the interest of the Government to promote correspondence in the army, for, 
with frequent communications between soldiers and their homes, they were 
better contented, and a contented army was far more desirable than a few 
additional doUars in the Treasury. 

On Saturday, February 1st, Col. Riley handed me my "Sergeant's War- 
rant," which I highly prized and regarded with pride, and with good reason, 
too, for I had joined a Company of entire strangers, not one of whom I had 
met or seen previous to my enlistment. I considered it as a certificate of 
faithful service, and, bordered with a golden frame, it hangs in an honored 
position in the Ubrary where I am writing, mutely bearing witness that it 
is still a cherished treasure. 

With the beginning of March, I contracted a severe cold and was excused 
from duty for the first time. We could now see indications that a movement 
of the army was contemplated. The sick had all been sent to the General 
Hospital in Alexandria as early as March 5th, and the officers' surplus baggage 
had been removed to that city also. We had exchanged our smooth-bore 
muskets for the Austrian rifle, which was an arm that compared with the 
Springfield rifled musket, and it gave us confidence. The bayonets were 
four-cornered instead of three, and they made a wound that could not be 
easily healed. Preparations continued until March 13th, when a portion of 
the army broke camp. We remained stationary, however, and continued 
to driU from four to six hours every day. Every forenoon we had target 
practice with our new rifles, which carried their missiles quite accurately. 
My diary mentions that my bullets struck the target twice in succession at 
a distance of two hundred yards. 

On Friday, March 14th, I wrote in my diary as foUows: — "We are ofE 
for Fort Monroe in just one hour. Orders came last night to our Brigade, 


The Sergeant's sword shown above, was a heavy burdensome weapon, and entirely 
useless and unnecessary. The Sergeants were armed with muskets, and I can imagine 
no contingency when a sword could be used with any good effect or to any additional 
advantage. The bayonet was by far the most efficient instrument in a hand-to-hand 
conflict, and the sword could not be wielded if the bayonet was in use, neither the 
bayonet if the sword was in action. The sword was never carried separately from the 
musket, and was never worn off duty, hence it was valueless as a weapon, and this fact 
being recognized by Gen. McClellan, he ordered its use to be discontinued, and we 
gladly resigned the cumbersome weapons to the Quartermaster. 


and the remainder of the Division are now embarking at Alexandria on 
transports. The boys are in ecstasy and hail the move with delight. Our 
tents wiU remain standing, and we shall march at noon. Our knapsacks are 
all packed, and we have three days' rations in our haversacks." But two 
days later, we were still at Camp Sackett. The transports were not ready, 
and the troops that broke camp on Friday bivouacked, and the next day 
were drenched with a pouring rain that continued far into the night. An 
entire Division marched from Centerville, and found the creeks swollen to 
their armpits. But that mattered not, as they were already saturated with 
the pouring rain from above. 

We were not yet aware of our destination, and all sorts of rumors were in 
circulation, one of which was that our Division (Heintzelman's) was to 
embark upon a secret expedition. At this time there were about seventy 
steamers in the river between Washington and Alexandria, and it was said 
that the reason of the delay was that they were coaling. Our pickets had 
been withdrawn, the 3d Maine Begiment having been recalled one day 
before its time expired. We stiU maintained outposts, however, beyond 
Manassas, but there were no rebels near us except the farmers and slave 
owners. We were existing at this time upon the three days' rations in our 
haversacks, which consisted of salt beef and hard bread, but we were so 
anxious to depart that the change of food from what we had been having all 
winter was regarded as of no consequence. 


Lieutenant Feancis Gould. 

Lieut. Francis Gould was bom in Boston, March 8, 1830. His parents 
were Thomas and Lydia (Peirce) Gould, and both were of New England birth 
and ancestry. The family was already numerous into which, on that 
March day, twin boys were bom, but their advent was, none the less, a source 
of pride and delight to their parents. Franklin and Francis were the names 
given to the twins, but the former lived only to the age of nine months, 
though he had seemed the stronger of the two. 

The atmosphere of the home was one of intelligence and affection, and 
the little Francis had a healthy and happy boyhood. He was fond of 
youthful sports, but ranked well in school and received a Franklin medal. 
He graduated from the Endicott Grammar School, and entering the English 
High School, finished the course there, winning one of the Lawrence prizes. 
His school course ended, he entered the oflSce of Mr. R. H. Eddy, Civil En^- 
neer and Solicitor of Patents. After acquiring the elements of the business, 
Francis remained in the employ of Mr. Eddy for several years. 

The decade following the spring in which he was twenty-one was an 
eventful one in the life of Francis Gould. It was marked by his marriage 
in April, 1851, to Miss Sarah Howe Homer, and by a removal from Boston, 
where the young people began their modest housekeeping, to Arlington, 
where Francis had spent many happy hours in his boyhood, it having been 
his mother's girlhood home, and still that of a large circle of her relatives, 
and by the birth of his daughter in 1854, and by the death of his wife in 1858. 
His married life had been one of happiness, marred only by the delicacy of 
his wife's health. He cared for her with rare and unwearying devotion, and 
when her frail hold upon Ufe was broken, he mourned for her deeply. 

At about this time came the attack upon Fort Sumter, and Francis Grould 
was among the first to join the military Company that Capt. Ingalls was 
organizing in ArUngton, and with which he went to the war. He became a 
Lieutenant and was wounded at the Battle of ChantiUy, as related elsewhere 
in this volume. It was not until January, 1863, that Lieut. Gould received 
honorable discharge from the Amiy, the wound in his knee incapacitating 
him for further service. He was able now to lay aside the crutches which 
for several months he had been forced to use, but he was never again to 
have a sound knee. Returning to the life of a private citizen, he yet kept 
to the fuU his interest in the struggle and rejoiced deeply in the final triumph 
of the cause for which he had fought, firmly believing it to be right, though 
he cherished no animosity against the South. Soon after leaving the Army, 
Lieut. Gould entered into business relations with Mr. Joseph B. Crosby, as 
Patent SoUcitors, in Boston. In this business, Lieut. Gould continued during 
the remainder of his life. He brought to the work trained faculties, cleaj' 
judgment, and a genial courtesy of manner. 

It was a considerable time before he reestablished his home. His littla 
daughter had, during the most of the time of his absence in the Army, been 
cared for by her aunt in the home of his father, who had removed from Boston 
to Framingham. After his retum from the Army, her father made frequent 
visits to Framingham, but he longed to have Ids daughter with him, and 



eventually it was planned for his father's family to join him in Arlington. 
No suitable house being available, Lieut. Gould decided to build one, and land 
was secured on Pleasant Street. It was begun in 1867, and in June of the 
next year, the household gathered under the new roof-tree. It now seemed 
as if many happy years might be in store for Lieut. Gould, and this indication 
was strengthened by his marriage, in 1871, with Miss Mary S. Richardson of 
Belmont. Their union was based on mutual esteem and affection. Life was 
full of promise, but trouble was on its way. Lieut. Gould's health had gen- 
erally been excellent. He had occasional attacks of pain in the knee, with a 
return of lameness, but these attacks had not been of long duration — he was 
rarely forced to absent himself from business — he took part in public affairs, 
and he was constant in church attendance. Always a lover of nature, he 
worked in his garden, and he planted trees and shrubs. He enjoyed simple 
pleasures and ministered to the happiness of those around him. Then there 
came a sad break in February, 1874, when he began to suffer with attacks of 
sharp pain in the back, and a serious illness followed. When sufficiently 
recovered, his physician prescribed rest, and advised a trip to Florida. He 
went there in March and was better for a time, but then sharp iUness again 
seized him, and he came home, a very sick man, in the latter part of April. He 
came most of the way in charge of a physician with whom he had formed a 
pleasant acquaintance in Florida, and who was returning to his own Northern 
home. They were joined in Charleston, S. C, by Mr. Wendell E. Richardson 
of Arlington, to whom Lieut. Gould's daughter had then been engaged nearly 
two years. He was traveling for his firm and had received information from 
Arlington of Lieut. Gould's condition. He was requested to accompany the 
sick man home, and he was able to do so, and to care for him as if he was his 
son. Arrived at home, and in the care of his family physician, the patient 
rallied, and there was some hope of ultimate recovery, but he was quickly 
called to meet the terrible shock of his wife's sudden death. He reached 
home on Thursday morning, and on Saturday, at midnight, the cherished wife 
was seized with convulsions. An infant was bom without Ufe, and it was 
f oimd impossible to save the mother. She died on the following day. It was 
indeed a terrible blow to her husband, but he met it with Christian fortitude. 
The separation was not to be one of many months. There were intervals of 
comparative health, but they alternated with attacks of suffering, and these 
came with more and more frequency. The disease baffled all the efforts of 
the physicians and in the latter part of July there suddenly came convulsions, 
which were repeated two successive weeks. After the second attack, the fine 
intellect was clouded, and the derangement continued until his death, which 
took place September 7th. The autopsy disclosed that death had undoubt- 
edly been caused by lead poisoning from the minie ball that had been there in 
the knee since the battle of Chantilly, twelve years before. Lieut. Gould's 
own opinion and that of the attending surgeon at the hospital in Washington, 
to which he was carried after the battle, was that the bullet was merely a buck- 
shot. Probing had failed to reach it, and it was thought that its remaining 
was not a source of danger, since it would probably coat over, but the ball, 
embedded in the bone, had not coated when it was extracted after death, and 
consequently had constantly been sending its insidious poison through the 
system, imtil it culminated in sickness and death. 


It was one more precious life given in costly sacrifice for the country's 
salvation, and given as truly as if the victim had died upon the battlefield. 
Those who loved him were grateful for the years he was spared to them, feel- 
ing that imtil the last sad months of suffering, they were years of happiness 
and usefulness. He was buried at Mount Auburn, the funeral service being 
simple and unostentatious, as he would have desired it to be. 

The daughter was married at her father's bedside to Mr. Richardson, July 
30, 1874, after his illness had assumed the serious phase which seemed to 
make his recovery hopeless. She remained in the house and home he had 
created imtil her death on Feb. 1, 1901. Three children survived her and 
the two daughters are still in the home, but the son, since his graduation 
from Harvard C!ollege in 1901, has resided in New York City. 

Lieut. Gould's memory was honored by the G. A. R. Post and the Woman's 
Relief Corps in Arlington, both of which, at their organization, adopted the 
name "Francis Gould," which they still bear. 



It was not until Monday afternoon, March 17th, at three o'clock, that the 
Regiment started for Alexandria, where we arrived an hour later, and where 
our Brigade was immediately reviewed by Gen. McClellan, after which we 
marched to the wharf and embarked on the steamer William Kent. 

Company H was comfortably quartered in the Ladies' Cabin. Near us 
were anchored the steamers Elm City, Champion, Kennebec, John Brooks, 
Pioneer, Canonicus, VanderhiU, Catskill, Hero and Neshon, all loaded with the 
troops of our Division. The Artillery and Cavalry embarked that night, and 
Tuesday morning found us still at anchor. On shore all was bustle and 
activity, and the numerous steamboats in the river made the scene very 
animating. The bands played patriotic tunes and the men cheered when the 
good news reached us that Bumside had captured Newbem. Gen. McClellan 
handed the telegram to the Colonel and desired him to have it signaled to the 
entire fleet. 

At noon the Fleet Commander made his appearance alongside, and said, 
"All is ready." He ordered our steamer to follow the palatial VanderhiU, 
which carried the 38th New York Regiment. It was a beautiful day, with 
the sun shining in all its magnificent effulgence, betokening a pleasant voyage 
to our destination, which we now knew to be Fort Monroe. The fleet above 
us began to move as we were weighing anchor. The Elm City was then 
passing us with the 3d and 4th Maine Regiments on board. The VanderhiU 
followed and we came next. We were all anxious to get down river as far as 
the rebel batteries, before dark, so as to learn their location. At three o'clock 
we passed Fort Washington, on the Maryland shore, and Mount Vernon, on 
the Virginia side, of which we obtained a very good view. They fired a salute 
from the Fort as we passed, and gave us some hearty cheers. We passed 
several deserted rebel batteries at about four o'clock, and an hour later, 
anchored within five miles of the Aquia Creek batteries, which were still 
garrisoned by rebels. We waited there until elevfen o'clock that night, and 
then proceeded under convoy of two gunboats. A few shells were thrown 
at us during the passage, but without effect, and without disturbing my 
peaceful slumbers below, from which I awakened at an early morning hour, 
much refreshed. The river at this point is six miles wide, and just below, at 
its mouth, where it empties into Chesapeake Bay, the width increases to ten 
miles. At noon we were in the Bay, and had lost sight of the Maryland shore. 
The wind had freshened, and the waves were running so high as to give the 
steamer considerable motion up and down or to and fro, which made some of 
the boys so seasick that they fed the fishes with the stewed beans they ate for 
dinner. I did not, however, feel any unusual commotion in the region of the 
stomach and held on to my beans. The prevailing conditions created con- 



siderable amusement among those who were free from the epidemic. At four 
o'clock, Fort Monroe was in sight and the shipping in Hampton Roads was 
clearly visible. We were all anxious to obtain a view of the famous Monitor, 
which had vanquished the rebel frigate Merrimac, on the previous Simday. 
At 4.30 P.M. we had passed the Fort and entered Hampton Roads, where 
we soon spied the Monitor. We passed very near her and I saw two slight 
dents in the turret, where rebel solid shot from the Merrimac had taken 

Our steamer was soon at the wharf, and we immediately disembarked in 
a pouring rain storm that had prevailed all day. We marched two miles 
inland, and camped in a cornfield with the dried stumps of the stalks still 
standing. When we were in line for dismissal and had stacked arms, Col. 
Riley gave the order, "Find Firewood, March," instead of "Break Ranks, 
March." The fence rails were soon blazing in huge piles upon numerous 
camp fires, and here for the first time, we pitched our "shelter tents," so- 
called, which was a decided misnomer, for shelter in them was impossible. It 
was an unnecessary hardship to impose upon men by transferring them from 
comfortable tents and doom them to what was practically a life ia the open 
field without protection from the weather. These shelters were constructed 
of two rubber blankets tied at the top with a string and fastened at the bot- 
tom with wooden pegs. When erected the apex was scarcely three feet from 
the ground, and only the shortest men could sit in them erect. To enter, we 
crawled on hands and knees, and with no protection at the ends, comfortable 
repose was impossible, and especially when the wind blew or the rain per- 
colated through the top where the blankets joined. These miserable shelters 
were adopted to promote celerity of movement, but when or where they con- 
tributed to rapid marching, I could never determine. In fact, the exposure 
incident to the use of these shelters quickly sent thousands of men to the 
hospitals and many of them to their graves. Sickness soon prevailed to such 
an extent, that reenforcements were demanded even whUe we were in front 
of Yorktown, and the cry for reenforcements continued without cessation, 
imtil we had been forced from our advanced position in front of Richmond. 
The reduction of the army by sickness contributed to Gen. McClellan's repulse 
more than any other cause, and the sickness was due more to shelter tents and 
the exposure incident thereto than to any other prevailing element. WhUe 
Gien. McClellan was caUing for reenforcements, the surgeons and the ambu- 
lances were decimating the army by sending thousands of invalids from our 
line of battle. We were frequently encamped upon groimd saturated with 
moisture, and that had never been warmed by the sunshine. By scooping a 
small hole in the ground within our shelters, and inserting an empty tomato 
can with a puncture in the bottom, there came an abimdant supply of swamp 
water. The can was always filled with this water, which we dmi^ and used 
for ablutions and for coffee. This condition of dampness beneath us and the 
exposure above, made well men sick, and lucky was he who escaped from the 
miasmatic consequences that befell so many of the bravest men who ever 
existed. They preferred fighting rather than contention with the poisonous 
miasma and noxious vapors we encountered, knowing that a sluggish death 
from congestion and intermittent fever was far more terrifying than rifled 
cannon and bristling bayonets. 


After this digression, I return to our shelter tent bivouac in the mud 
not far from Fort Monroe. Sergt. Ellis was now my tentmate, and that first 
night beneath shelter tents gave us visions of the real hardships of war. 
The severest picket duty was a pleasure compared with life in shelters 
during a fierce rain storm in March. It did not simply rain, but it came 
down in great broad sheets of water, which poured upon us. The wind 
howled all through the weary hours of that dreary first night on the Virginia 
Peninsula. In spite of wind and rain, we soon had steaming hot coffee, 
which cheered and warmed us. With the everlasting salt beef and hard- 
tack, we had, considering the conditions, a good supper. Exhausted and 
dejected, my comrade Ellis and myself decided to woo the god of sleep, and 
for that purpose we crawled into our dog kennel. With feet protruding 
at one end of our coop and one of our woolen blankets at the other end to 
break the wind, we cuddled up together "spoon fashion," and with the 
other blanket pulled over us, we actually fell asleep. But not long were 
we undisturbed. The downpour become more copious and the wind more 
violent, and we awoke to find the water running in streams beneath our 
bodies. This made our new home uninhabitable, and all through the 
remainder of the night we sat with others around the huge camp fires, which 
were of enormous dimensions. With our pipes and frequent libations of the 
hottest coffee, we chatted tranquilly and unmindful of wind and rain or our 
discomforts. Some unconsciously fell asleep as they sat, and slimibered while 
leaning against a musket that had been inverted and driven into the ground. 
In fact, our muskets had been used for tent poles, one at each end to support 
the roof blankets. In uniforms drenched to the skin, we sat there smoking 
and drinking coffee to mitigate miseries we endured because they could not 
be banished. Our officers were in the same or a worse predicament, for they 
had no shelters and were huddled together that first night on the Peninsula, 
beneath an old worn-out hospital tent. Some of them joined us at intervals 
through the night around the camp fires and participated in the merriment 
that we forced into being to "drive away the blues." 

When morning came without sunshine, our dilemma was intensified. 
The storm changed into violent showers, with lightning and heavy thunder. 
During one of these tremendous electrical storms, the lightning flashes and 
thunder peals were almost continuous. Suddenly, in the height of the 
storm, a bolt of Ughtning descended with a deluge of rain and was attracted 
to one of the rifled Parrott guns of the 4th Rhode Island Battery, which was 
encamped in an adjoining field. The terrific report of the discharge brought 
us to our feet and we ran, in spite of wind and rain and lightning, to the 
spot where the artillerists were gathered, and ascertained that the cannon 
had been partially destroyed and totally ruined for field operations. 

The approach of another stormy night added to our gloom, and I deter- 
mined to escape it. Obtaining "leave of absence," I sought my friend 
Libbey, previously mentioned, who was serving in the 16th Massachusetts 
Regiment, and who had visited our camp as soon as he learned its location. 
His Regiment had been there through the winter and was quartered in 
Sibley tents with sleeping bunks that were very comfortable. My saturated 
clothing gave place to dry trousers and overcoat kindly loaned me while 
my uniform was hung before the fire to dry. That night we had a merry 


time until long after "taps," and even when we Were all snugly stowed 
away in the restful bunks, the hilarity continued. I had sung several songs 
during the evening, and now must sing another for a "nightcap." So, lying 
upon my back, there in the darkness, I sang "In Good Old Colony Times," 
and "The Wonderful Crocodile." Others sang also until exhausted Nature 
forced sleep to my eyelids, while I listened to the charming sentiments of 
"Do They Miss Me at Home?" 

The morning found me present at Company RoU Call, and the rising 
sun just peeping above the tree tops. What a transformation and what joy 
prevailed 1 We removed that day to a better camp ground not far in advance, 
and remained there another day and night. We then advanced a few miles, 
which brought us to the town of Hampton, in the suburbs of which we 
encamped. The town was entirely burned by the rebels when they retreated. 

It was now Tuesday, March 25th, and Porter's Division had arrived on 
the preceding day, and advanced beyond us. While we tarried at Hampton, 
our foragers brought us rabbits and wild hogs in abundance. At one time, 
two of our scouts brought in pork enough for the whole Company, and it 
proved a refreshing delicacy. The woods were soon depopulated of every 
living creature that could serve for food, because rations were scarce and a 
search for game was absolutely necessary. The Quartermaster had not 
succeeded in landing his suppUes in sufficient quantity, and muddy roads 
had added to his difficulties. The days were now quite warm and bahny, 
but the nights were still cool and our shelters were no more comfortable than 
when we debarked. We never thought of entering them except at night, and 
then only to accept their insufficiency under vehement and oft repeated 
protests. A tinge of green now enhvened the landscape, and gentle spring 
was asserting her powerful influences, and earth was soon to don its lux- 
uriant carpet. 

With a force of 40,000 men in our Corps, we advanced to Big Bethel, 
where our troops had been defeated in battle at the beginning of the Rebel- 
lion. And then we plodded on to Yorktown, a distance of thirty miles from 
Fort Monroe. We felt strong, and there pervaded the army a consciousness 
of superiority and a disposition to make any sacrifice to preserve the nation. 
What I wrote to my mother just at this time discloses the general sentiment 
that prevailed. " I don't want you to worry about me, for it will do no good. 
If I go into a battle, I know I shall do my duty. If I fall, God wiU have 
some purpose even in the fate of one Uke me. I have no fear and think 
that I shall return home at the end of the war." 

We now had a few days of fine weather, and battalion and brigade drills 
were ordered. We resumed our forward march on Friday morning, March 
28th, with two days' rations, consisting of salt beef and hard bread. The 
day was pleasant, the roads dry and dusty, and the country level, therefore 
our advance was not very fatiguing. At noon we halted for hot coffee, 
which each man concocted for himself. At three o'clock we reached Big 
Bethel, which was evacuated and burned on the previous night. The ruins 
were still smoking, and during a brief halt we searched for reUcs and souve- 
nirs. Just after dark, we arrived at "Half Way House," where we bivou- 
acked for the night in a grassy field. We had marched 12 miles and were 
half way to Yorktown. I slept well in the open air and did not wake imtil 


Lieut. Locke was bom in West Cambridge, Mass. (now Arlington), Feb. 20, 1823, 
and was the son of Isaac Locke. He was a grandson of Samuel Locke, who was a 
soldier in the War of the Revolution, and was a descendant of William Locke who 
came to America from England in 1635 and settled in that part of Cambridge which 
is now the town of Woburn. 

Lieut. Locke received his eariy education in his native town and then attended 
the Academy in Exeter, N. H., from which he entered Harvard College. He married 
Eliza Thompson of West Cambridge, May 20, 1847, and at the beginning of the 
Rebellion in 1861, he was a practicing lawyer in Boston. After serving in the 
Mozart Regiment until his health obliged him to resign, he returned to his home in 
West Cambridge, and died there September 22, 1862, or only two months after he 
resigned from the army. The remains were first interred in Belmont, but were 
subsequently removed to the cemetery in Arlington. See Roster, 


reveille. We started again on Saturday morning and after an hour we halted 
to permit some artillery to pass us, and it soon began to rain. Eight batteries 
of Artillery and five regiments of Infantry, all belonging to the Regular 
Army, passed to the front, and there were now twenty thousand troops 
ahead of us. The advance had reached a rebel earthwork at Silver Creek, 
and as we heard the firing we were eager to advance to the attack, but it was 
captured after a brief resistance. After an hour's march we had the pleasure 
of entering the rebel works, but we did not stop. The rain had softened the 
roads and the Artillery had nearly destroyed them. They were deeply cut 
and furrowed by the constant passage of heavy ammunition, baggage and 
artillery wheels. It was astonishing how soon, after the rain began to fall, 
that the roads became almost impassable. Some pieces of Artillery and some 
wagons filled with ammimition were mired and became an obstruction imtil 
they could be withdrawn from the deep ruts into which they had settled. 
At such times, the Infantry could only pass by way of a detour through the 
fields and woods, which of themselves retarded our progress. The houses 
along our hue of march were mostly abandoned, but some were occupied 
by the older slaves, while the younger and most valuable ones joined in the 
general scamper. A few of the inhabitants also remained and were still 
residing along the road, and we took occasion to buy specimens of rebel 
currency, called "shinplasters," and letter stamps and souvenirs. 

As we marched on to Yorktown, the men seemed in good spirits, but 
there was some straggling on account of the burdensome equipments, which 
altogether weighed not less than 45 pounds. We cheered the march by 
singing, "John Brown's Body," and "We'll hang Jeff Davis on a Sour Apple 
Tree," both of which originated in the army, and as often as we sang them, 
we felt invigorated by the impassioned and expressive words. At ten o'clock 
on Saturday our troops in the advance had reached Yorktown, and as we 
heard the discharge of heavy cannon, it electrified the whole line. The roads 
were very bad and many threw away a large portion of their effects. Articles 
they thought might be dispensed with were discarded, and extra hose, shirts, 
shoes, boot brushes, and surplus clothing were scattered along the roadside, 
while in some instances the entire contents of knapsacks were cast off. I 
reduced my supply of what I deemed necessary to some extent, but I was 
far too discerning of the future to dispense with articles of clothing, which I 
knew would be needed. But even an empty knapsack becomes burdensome 
after a march of several miles, and by some they, too, were discarded with 
all their contents. 



We arrived in front of Yorktown, and in sight of the enemy, on Saturday 
at four o'clock in the afternoon, hungry and tired and with nothing to eat. 
Our wagons were ten miles in the rear and stuck in the mud. The first thing 
we thought of, after stacking arms, was something to eat. We knew that the 
woods were inhabited by wild hogs, and in a short time our larder was full 
of dressed pork with a chicken or two additional, and these were soon roast- 
ing before the fires, each one, in the absence of cooks and cooking utensils, 
acting as his own chef, but a dilemma soon appeared. We had no salt I 
What was now to be done? Well, we ate the juicy moraels without salt, and 
our hunger was appeased, although the food was not relished. The next day 
our wagons were still fast in the mud, and we were still without food, but a 
drove of cattle reached us, and of fresh beef we soon had a sufficiency. The 
cattle were slaughtered in an op)en field where every hungry soldier was at 
liberty to go and carve from the carcasses the choicest cuts of sirloin, tender- 
loin, or whatever suited the fancy. We still had no salt, and without it 
could not enjoy even the daintiest tidbits. Joy soon came, however, for I 
had wandered that Sunday morning beyond our camp lines in search of 
whatever I could find, and in the direction of a bam I had spied, just beyond 
a belt of woods, which happened to be neutral ground. Into that bam I 
went, not expecting to find what we most needed, and certainly without a 
thought of the bonanza I secured. After searching the lower floor, I climbed 
a rickety ladder to the loft where cornstalks and other fodder abounded.. 
Beneath the only window in the bam there stood a barrel. I thought it 
might contain water, but upon investigation, what was my surprise to find it 
partially filled with coarse salt, such as is used to feed to cows and oxen. I 
quickly filled my haversack with the precious particles, and taking upon my 
shoulder a string of unshelled yellow corn, I hastened back to camp, and 
told the story of my discovery. In less than a minute, a score of men were 
scampering across the field, and when they returned in half an hour, what 
was left of the salt and the corn returned with them. In the meantime, I 
had devoured a juicy steak seasoned with the salt I had managed to crush 
fine enough for culinary purposes. Nothing before or since that day tasted 
quite so delicious as that enormous porterhouse steak I had myBeU carved 
from the animal. I gave salt to others and they had the same experience. 
But we had no bread, and we roasted the dry com, and the brilliant idea of 
boiling it was advanced. We had secured a "secesh" kettle, and into this, 
the com was placed with water and a quart of ashes from beneath the coals 
of our fires. The alkali from the ashes served as potash to soften the kernels 
and remove the hulls, and when the mess was cooked, we had another feast. 



Some ate it with salt, and others mashed the kernels and, making a paste, 
baked hoecakes upon jQat stones. 

The wagons did not arrive xmtil Monday, too late at night for any dis- 
tribution of crackers. Even the next morning we found the supply deficient, 
and another day went by before our wants were supplied. We had fresh 
beef enough, but that was all. My diary says that six oxen were killed for 
our Regiment on Tuesday, and five on Wednesday. We appreciated "hard- 
tack" then if never before, and we prepared it in all manner of forms. Soft- 
ened in water and fried in pork fat, the hardest crackers were appetizing and 
with coffee, decidedly palatable. Another favorite method was to break it 
into small pieces and soak in hot cofifee and then eat with a spoon. Puddings 
were also made with cracker crumbs in water and sweetened to suit the taste. 
Browned in a pan, our menu was pleasingly varied. While at this first camp 
in Yorktown, a well-fed hog dared to enter our camp ground. He seemed to 
realize his peril when half a dozen men gave chase to capture him, but he 
declined to surrender and might have escaped had not a bayonet been thrust 
to a vital spot. The hog was dressed and prepared for gastronomic felicity, 
and at this time, as if to suit the proprieties, the salt arrived. I had finished 
my steak and for me, at that time, pork had no charms. 

Immediately upon our arrival in front of Yorktown, we were bombarded 
from the rebel forts, and whenever any troops were marching in exposed 
locations, they were sure to be the target for rebel practice. The shells 
usually passed over us, and were harmless, but we always prostrated oiu-- 
selves upon the ground whenever a shell was coming in our direction. Our 
Artillery replied and our pickets were also engaged, several of whom were 
killed and wounded. We halted in an open field and could see the rebel 
fortifications. After we "broke ranks, " I went, with Sergt. Cole, where the 
firing was in progress, at our right through the woods. The rebels were 
firing quite often, the shells screeching over our heads. Our sharpshooters 
bothered the rebels, and for an hour they could not serve their guns. Every 
rebel who attempted to load was sure to fall. On Monday a shield had been 
constructed and firing was resumed. They tried to shell us, but their shells 
either did not reach us or went over, doing no damage. On Tuesday and 
Wednesday it rained, and quiet prevailed. On Wednesday we moved camp 
two miles to our left and passed within 400 yards of a rebel battery, but they 
did not fire. The next day we again changed camp one mile to our right. 
In the afternoon on Friday, April 5th, our pickets were driven in and our 
entire Brigade was ordered into line. We loaded oiu" rifles and started double- 
quick through the woods. Reaching our pickets, we halted in line of battle, 
and Gen. McOlellan appeared with his staff. We were about to cheer, but 
were checked by the uplifted warning hand of the General, who evidently did 
not want the enemy to know we were there. No further demonstration was 
made and we returned to camp. There were two forts in our front about one 
mile apart, and from one of them, long-range rifle shots were fired at Prof. 
Lowe and his balloon whenever he ascended. His gas generator was near 
our camp but hidden from rebel view by the woods, which also screened our 
camp. Our gunboats ascended the York River and took position in range of 
the enemy, with whom shots were exchanged. At first, we had no idea of a 
siege, and supposed that a battle would take place at once, unless the enemy 


retreated. Gen. McCIellan decided to intrench and capture the obstructions 
by regular approaches. The army was enthusiastic and eager for battle. I 
believed then and still believe that there should have been no siege of York- 
town and no loss of a precious month. Several weeks had already been con- 
sumed in transporting the army from Alexandria to the Peninsula, and 
following this dilatory movement, there came four weeks of digging trenches 
and building roads through swamps and forests. See next page. 

Had we fought and conquered at Yorktown without loss of time, we would 
have been spared the losses sustained in the trenches from exposure and the 
disease consequent upon impure or inadequate water supplies. The incessant 
demands upon men for digging rifle pits and earthworks, and the constant 
subjection of men to the excitements and dangers along the "firing line," 
sent hundreds if not thousands to the hospitals long before the siege of York- 
town was half completed. The physical labor of digging and mounting 
heavy siege guns upon a diet of "salt horse" and "hard-tack," and the lack 
of shelter and sleep, operated to transform the strongest men into invalids. 
Along our line of intrenchments it was imsafe to expose the person for an 
instant. I had a practical illustration of this one day when in charge of a 
fatigue party in the trenches. I stood for a moment in "the open," and a 
rifle bullet whizzed close to my head. 1 failed to comprehend its significance, 
but when another leaden messenger seemed to pass me closer, and I heard its 
contact with a tree just beyond me, it dawned upon my mind that I was the 
target for a rebel sharpshooter. I soon spied an object behind the chimney 
of a house across the field, distant about four hundred yards. I satisfied 
myself that a " Johnnie " was behind the chimney on the roof, and then sent 
a message to Capt. Berdan, whose sharpshooters were endeavoring to protect 
us from just such fellows as this one proved to be. Two of Berdan's experts 
responded to my summons and they began a ceaseless vigil with the purpose 
of killing or disabling the daring rifleman behind the chimney. They finally 
prepared an eflSgy and advanced it to the open plot where I had been exposed, 
and immediately a head was revealed from behind the chimney, and a rifle 
bullet sped across the field. We heard its "zip" as it passed the eflBgy, and 
then we knew what before we had only surmised. The rebel behind that 
chimney was determined to slay anyone who came within the range of his 
rifle. Little suspecting that he had been detected, he again thrust his head 
from concealment for another shot, but before he had time to bring his rifle 
into position, a buUet from a Berdan sharpshooter had passed through the 
intervening space and we saw a human body roll down the shingled roof to 
the ground. That was the last of him and the last annoyance we had from 
that chimney, but had he a better rifle or been a better marksman, I should 
not be living now to write of his fate. The Berdan rifleman who performed 
this feat, whose name, I think, was Goodwin, cut another notch in the butt of 
his rifle, which was equipped with an improved telescopic attachment, such 
as all of Berdan's riflemen carried. With these arms. Col. Berdan required 
everyone to kUl his man and they never failed. The test for acceptance in 
his corps was ten consecutive shots averaging not more than five inches from 
the center of the target at a distance of 600 feet from a rest, or 300 feet with- 
out support. It was interesting to watch them on duty, and to see them 
creep slowly and carefully from the outer works to positions where the 


operations of the enemy could be witnessed. Scooping a small hole to conceal 
and protect their bodies, there they remained many hours in their exposed 
location and with only an occasional opportunity to discharge their rifles. 
A few days after the dislodgment of the rebel behind the chimney, the build- 
ing was condemned and destroyed by our Artillery. 

We were still expecting a battle, and as indicating the spirit and temper 
of the army, I quote from a letter to my mother as follows: — "The victory 
will surely be ours, but of course, a great many lives will be lost. I shall 
fight as becomes a soldier, and if I die, I trust to be with God in Heaven. 
K I should be spared, it will be for some good purpose, and I only hope to 
fulfil the will of God. I shall write immediately after the battle, and you 
must not be alarmed about me, for it will do no good. " 

The picket line at Yorktown was only a short distance from our camp; 
and instead of marching twelve miles, as at Camp Sackett, to reach our 
outposts, we needed at Yorktown only fifteen minutes or less to get there. 
We performed our share of picket duty and remained on the line two days 
in succession. Four hundred yards beyond our pickets the rebel pickets 
were posted. We could hear them taUi, and I remember that one fellow 
shouted to his comrades, "Save some of the rice for me." We were still 
sharing the fatigue work in the trenches, where we were under constant 
fire. The early days of April passed without momentous incidents. Our 
army was toiling, and we knew not when we might be engaged in deadly 
conflict with the enemy across the intervale. Firing continued along the 
line until the middle of April, when, as if by mutual agreement, the exchange 
of artillery and musketry fire ceased for several days. When it was renewed, 
the cannonading in our front was quite fierce, and my notes speak of it as 
follows : — " April 16th, 4 p. m. I have been down to the edge of the woods 
where the cannonading is going on. The rebels have not fired a shot for 
two hours, but our batteries keep up a constant fire, and have silenced two 
of the rebel guns and shot away their flag twice. The object of this firing 
is to attract the enemy's attention while some heavy siege guns are being 
moimted up on the right." Only one Union soldier was hurt that day, and 
he sustained the loss of a foot by the fragment of a shell. The firing was 
continued day and night, and our 12 Pounder Parrott Rifles were so effective 
that the rebels found it impossible to serve their guns. On Friday, April 18th; 
a rebel shell was fired at a small party of our soldiers who were looldng on at 
the edge of the woods. It struck near and burst, killing two and wounding 
one. On the same day a Sergeant was killed by a 12 pound solid shot. On 
the previous night, the rebels conceived the idea that they could capture 
one of the guns which had been used against them incessantly through the 
day and at intervals during the night. Accordingly about 500 sallied forth, 
but the movement had been anticipated and two regiments were waiting in the 
woods to resist the attack. They were allowed to approach within 200 yards, 
and then the order to fire was given. They received the leaden shower with- 
out a return shot and precipitately fled, leaving twenty of their number dead 
on the field and a large number of wounded. As soon as the firing com- 
menced, which was exactly at midnight, the Mozarters were ordered to "turn 
out," and out we went expecting that the long deferred battle had commenced. 
We remained in line half an hour, and again retired to our kennels, but not 


to remain long, however, for two hours later another similar attempt was 
made with the same result, On the following night all was quiet, but "we 
slept with one eye open," as is the saying, and obtained no sound, refreshing 
slumber. On Saturday night at ten o'clock firing commenced at our left, 
and we soon heard the stentorian voice of Sergt. Durgin shouting, "Turn out 
with equipments." The firing soon ceased and we were dismissed. We 
had been on fatigue duty that day constructing a "military road" along the 
bank of York Creek for the passage of heavy artillery. This road passed 
directly in rear of the rebel redoubt, and when it was completed the fort 
and the garrison surrendered. At this date, April 21st, the entire army 
was constantly on fatigue duty, throwing up breastworks in all directions, 
and placing siege guns and heavy mortars in position. The operations were 
so extensive and the preparations so thorough, we began to realize that 
the grand bombardment was soon to begin. Every Mozarter kept his rifle 
constantly loaded and continually within reach by day and night. We had 
been frequently aroused at night and had learned to respond quickly to the 
summons. Regarding this I wrote in my diary, imder date of April 23d, as 
follows : — "It is astonishing how quickly a thousand men can be awakened 
from sleep and form in line, yet it is a fact that in two minutes from the 
time the order was given to 'turn out,' the Mozart Regiment has been off 
through the woods at double-quick speed." 

Although many thousands of soldiers were kept at work day and night 
on the fortifications, and although they were formidable, some of us believed 
that a general engagement would not occur immediately unless the enemy 
attacked. On April 25th, the paymaster arrived and we received over-due 
dollars, which should have come to us a month before we left Alexandria. 
We were told that the delay was caused by a deficiency of paymasters. 
That was not considered a good reason, but we were powerless to remonstrate 
even, and so the government habitually retained our pittance two or three 
months after it became payable. 

On Tuesday, April 29th, Drummer Hayes of CJompany C was struck a glanc- 
ing blow by a piece of shell, on the side of his face, which was so badly cut that 
the scar still remains. Col. Riley, who was near, helped him to the surgeon's 
tent, where his head was bandaged. His shoulder was also bruised, but he de- 
clined to go to the hospital and remained on duty rather proud that he was the 
first Mozarter to have shed blood for his coimtry by means of a rebel missile. 

It was now May 1st, and the Mozarters were working six hours of each 
twenty-four, either by day or night, upon a large fortification close up to the 
rebels, and they were shelling us constantly, but no one was hurt. By this 
time we had become so accustomed to the shells that we paid but little 
attention to them, except when we were sure that one was coming exactly 
in our direction. It was sometimes amusing to witness the dodging and 
crouching when one of the destructive missiles happened to come our way. 
Although they could not be seen, they were heard, and the direction of flight 
was easily determined by listening to the sound. On the day named one 
of the shells struck a few yards distant from where my squad was digging, 
and bursting, a fragment weighing over two pounds buried itself in the 
ground only a few feet from where I stood. On the previous evening we 
had received a beautiful new State Flag, that had been donated by the 


city of New York. It was displayed with pride by Col. Riley, who confided 
it to the C!olor Guard. But we were not now drilling or holding many dress 
parades, and therefore we had no opportunity to display the new flag until 
we pursued the rebels through Yorktown, and soon after that time it was 
baptized at Williamsburg. 

With the advent of May there came vague rumors that our Division 
Commander, Gen. Hamilton, had, in some unexplained manner, offended 
or displeased his Superior Officer, Gen. McClellan, in consequence of which 
he was to be removed. These rumors were soon authenticated by the 
arrival of Gen. Philip Kearny and the issue of the following order : — 

Headquaetees, Thikd Division, Thied Coeps, 
Geneeax. Oedees No. 1. Yoektown, May 3, 1862. 

Pursuant to instructions from Headquarters of the Army and of the Corps Com- 
mander, I hereby assume command of the Division composed of Gen. Jameson's, 
Birney's and Berry's brigades, and of Thompson's, Reams' and Randolph's batteries. 

P. KEARNY, Brig. Gen. Commanding. 

We had heard of Gen. Kearny and his Mexican War record, and his 
loss of an arm in battle, and the sentiment generally prevailed that it was 
preferable to be commanded by an experienced soldier than by one who 
had never seen any fighting. He inspired confidence from the beginning, 
and we soon learned to hold our new Commander in the highest esteem. A 
determined effort, however, was made to have Gen. Hamilton reinstated, 
and a powerful appeal was made to President Lincoln that ended with the 
statement of Gen. McCleUan that he did not consider Gen. Hamilton compe- 
tent to command a Division. 

We httle suspected on Saturday, May 3d, when the order of Gen. Kearny 
assuming command of our Division was read to us, that it was our last day 
in the Yorktown trenches. We knew that our fortifications were nearly 
finished, and it was whispered about in official circles that the bombardment 
would begin on Sunday morning. But we continued at work and our bat- 
teries continued to reply to rebel gunnery. No one had been hurt along our 
brigade front for a day or two, although fragments of shell were frequently 
fljdng in every direction. Many of them went beyond us into the woods and 
we could hear them crash through the trees, tearing off huge hmbs or splitting 
the trunks. They interspersed their shells with 24 pound sohd shot, some 
of which cut down large trees in the dense forest behind us. Two of these 
passed entirely through the embankment we had erected, which was four 
feet thick. Although there was no reason upon which to base an opinion, 
yet there were a few who had considered the probabilities of an evacuation 
by the enemy, and I find the following in my correspondence: — "Gen. 
McClellan will not fight imtil he is sure of victory imless the enemy attacks 
him, and even before he is ready, Yorktown may have been evacuated." 
I did not then imagine that these words would be prophetic, but on Sunday 
morning. May 4th, no enemy confronted the Army of the Potomac. On 
the previous night, after working in the trenches, the Mozarters were ordered 
on picket. I happened, that last night at Yorktown, to be detailed as Ser- 
geant of the Guard, and of course remained on duty in camp. During the 
evening and until after midnight, the rebels augmented their cannonade and 


their farewell missiles visited us in greater numbers than at any time during 
the siege. And they struck everywhere, even within the borders of our 
camp ground, where I was stationed with the guard. We, on duty there, 
wondered why the firing had become so incessant, but no one suspected the 
truth. Not one of our siege guns responded to the deluge of missiles that 
came from all along the rebel line, for Gen. McClellan was not ready, and our 
gunners must necessarily wait. All through this rebel artillery bombard- 
ment, no one, not even McClellan or Heintzelman, had the least conception 
of what was transpiring in Yorktown. The unusual commotion and the 
increased activity should have caused an earUer investigation, but it was not 
imtU the dawn that the flight of the rebels was suspected. In front of the 
Mozart picket line, of which Col. Riley had command that night, the imusual 
silence of the early morning was observed, and it only required a few minutes 
for the Colonel to divine the truth, and without waiting, he ordered an 
advance. The Mozarters could not span the intervening distance with speed 
to satisfy their eagerness, and they voluntarily changed step to double-quick, 
and were soon within the fort from which had issued the death-dealing 
messengers we had so long feared and dreaded. We were soon to face another 
emergency, or rather, that part of the Regiment on duty there. Forming in 
line as soon as they entered the fort, the order was given, " Order arms," and 
a terrific explosion followed the execution of the order. Company A, in 
conuuand of Capt. Johnson, occupied the right of the line, and in obe}nng the 
order, the rifle of Private George McFarrar struck the percussion cap of a 
12-inch bomb, buried just beneath the surface of the ground. McFarrar 
was instantly killed and likewise his file leader, Private Michael McDermott. 
Three others were wounded and two of them died in the hospital, but I made 
no record of their names. For the Mozarters, this event was a sad ending to 
the happy anticipations that had prevailed concerning the end of the siege 
and the flight of the enemy. Other hidden explosives were searched for and 
many of them imearthed, and the prisoners we had captured were compeUed 
to remove the implements of death so cowardly devised for destro3dng a few 
lives. It is regarded as justifiable to plant torpedoes and mines to destroy 
a navy or an army, or to retard the rapid advance of an enemy, but what 
could be hoped from such tactics as were employed at Yorktown by the 
retreating rebels who could not thereby expect to annihilate us, or even to 
accomphsh any appreciable benefit or good result? The slain and wounded 
were quickly removed, and when the Mozarters advanced against the retreat- 
ing foe, it was with the determination to avenge the death of their comrades 
who had been slaughtered in such a cowardly manner. It brought the 
horrible reaUties of war home to us for the first time, as but few events 
could have done, and the severity of discipline alone prevented the exaction 
of a penalty on the spot. 

The Regiment remained in the fort until relieved by a detail for permanent 
occupation, and after an hour we marched back to camp with orders to 
cook rations and prepare for an immediate advance. Our knapsacks were 
packed at once, but it was two o'clock before the rations were ready, and 
at that hour the Mozart Regiment resumed its onward march to Richmond. 
We passed through Yorktown an hour later, and bivouacked three miles 
beyond. We continued our advance at ten o'clock the next morning (Mon- 


day) in a heavy rain stonn and at noon we tarried for hot coffee, which greatly 
invigorated us. We could then hear the ominous booming of distant cannon 
and we knew that a battle was raging. We hastened our march on the double- 
quick at intervals, and after two hours, had approached the scene of conflict 
so as to hear the discharge of musketry as well as cannon. It was now 
2.30 P.M. and we were directed into an open field, where we deposited our 
knapsacks ia huge pUes. We were now sure of going into the battle, and 
every Mozarter was animated by the prospect. Gen. Kearny received 
orders to "hurry up reenforcements as Hooker's ammunition is nearly 


Lieutenant William H. Scammell. 

William Henry Scammell was bom in MiUord, Massachusetts, June 21st, 
1838. He was descended on the paternal side from Col. Alexander Scam- 
mell of Revolutionary fame, and the son of Doctor Alexander ScammeU, a 
prominent physician of Miljford, and Ann Augusta Scammell. He served 
four years in the Mozart Regiment and was promoted to First lieutenant 
and Regimental Quartermaster. He was wounded at the Battle of Fair 
Oaks, and the bullet that entered his body remained there. 

Lieut. ScammeU was twice married : first, to Miss Sarah ChapLn of Milford, 
who died in that town ; and Oct. 10th, 1866, he married Mary Elizabeth Fisher 
of Milford, daughter of Lewis and Ruth Fisher, the father being a descendant 
of Capt. Amos Sergeant of the Revolution. 

They had one son, Lewis Alexander Scammell, who is now a successful 
traveling salesman and a resident of Worcester, Mass. This son is an Odd 
Fellow and also a member of the Sons of Veterans. A pleasing incident 
is that, by right of name, he is the proud possessor of the Bible formerly 
owned and used by Col. Alexander Scammell, Adjutant General of the 
American Armies. 

After Lieut. Scammell returned from the war, he was emplojred as clerk 
in the Mansion House, which was the leading hotel in Milford. Here he 
passed many years of his life and was very popular and a favorite with a 
large circle of friends. He was a member of the Mozart Association and of 
the Grand Army of the Republic, as related in another chapter of this 

In 1879, he removed to Marlboro, Mass., but in the fall of that year, on 
account of ill health, he returned to his native home, Milford, where he died 
May 26th, 1880, and where he was mourned by many. Mrs. Scammell 
survives and is now a resident of Marlboro, Mass. 




Relieved of our burden wc could travel faster, and now the time had 
come to perform some service for our country. We were wet to the skin, but 
had managed to shield our rifles from the storm. Another order had come to 
Gen. Kearny to bring our Division into action at the earliest minute, and we 
were urged on to our greatest endeavor. We were three miles from the battle- 
field when we discarded our knapsacks, and we covered that distance through 
mud and water, at a constant double-quick, and with cheers all along the 
road. But we did not reach the field until nearly four o'clock, at which time 
we arrived at the headquarters of Gien. Heintzehnan, where the band of the 
4th Maine Regiment was playing the national tunes, which inspired thrills of 
wildest emotion. The enemy was just beyond in the woods and among felled 
trees. While waiting for orders where we should enter the strife, we stood in 
line with the rain pouring down upon us. Some were impatient under the 
restraint and complained of the delay. One of these was our good Comrade 
Greenlaw, who gave expression to his feelings in such vehement language that 
I reproved his f retfulness. He said to me, " What's the need of waiting?" and 
stamped his feet upon the ground with impatience, as if to invoke the fate 
that awaited him. He had found the fever of waiting unbearable, and I 
endeavored to restore his equanimity. He was anxious to confront the ene- 
mies of his country, and in less than half an hour from the time he reached 
the firing line, he was dead. Before taking position, our Regiment had been 
divided, with Col. Riley in command of five companies, and the remainder 
acting under the personal direction of Gen. Kearny, who advanced us up the 
road under his personal leadership, which, although brave, was reckless and 
imprudent, for he was mounted, and the road was assailed by an Infantry 
cross-fire and an Artillery enfilading fire. On our left were acres of felled 
timber, and in advance of us, across the cleared field, was Fort Magruder, 
which had silenced Webber's Battery in the road, and killed its gunners and 
horses, the bodies of which littered the ground. We continued up the road 
in single file through the ditch at the roadside, to avoid the musketry fire 
from the woods and rebel rifle pits beyond the belt of fallen trees, into which 
Gen. Keamy directed us to go and likewise the regiments which followed us. 
(Jen. Keamy remained mounted and braved the fusillade of shot, and shell, 
and bullets, and seemed to bear a charmed life. Even the prisoners we cap- 
tured wondered at his daring and asked "who was the one-armed man on 
horseback?" When we told them, they declared he must be protected by a 
coat of concealed armor, for the reason that they had endeavored to kill him. 
The Mozarters could not maintain an alignment among the entangled trees 
behind which we crouched and began a vigorous fire against the enemy. We 
advanced through the obstructions slowly and finding the enemy, not only in 



the woods beyond, but among the felled trees, we fired "at will." We had 
been located in seemingly protected positions, when just at my right, slightly 
in advance of where Sergt. Durgin and myself were firing at every rebel we 
could locate, poor Greenlaw was partially beheaded by a solid shot from Fort 
Magruder. We knew he was bieyond assistance and continued our firing. 
Capt. IngaUs witnessed this fatality and Comrade Frost was near, and all four 
of us were bespattered with the blood and brains of our lamented comrade. 
At that time the rain was still pouring in torrents, and we were so saturated 
that the water ran through our clothes and drained upon the ground. And 
there was hardly a shred of our clothing that was not besmeared with mud, 
and our faces likewise. But what cared we for rain or mud? All we thought 
of was " Death to traitors and victory to our arms," regardless whether our 
Hves were lost or saved. The battle in our vicinity raged over a field cover- 
ing many acres. We could not charge the enemy, who could see us as we 
scrambled over the logs to advance against them, but we forced them back 
into their rifle pits. The cannonade from the forts aided them. The bullets 
kept up their continual singing, and they came so thick and fast as to ^ve 
assurance of death in exposed situations. But we returned the fire with far 
more fatal effect, and when we had expended our sixty rounds of cartridges 
we obtained more from the boxes of our dead comrades. It was now past 
six o'clock, and darkness approached with the ground well dotted with the 
dead and wounded of both armies. The Ambulance Corps waited for night 
to begin operations in our locality, and it would have been useless to be^ 
sooner. The darkness hushed the Infantry fire and the enemy retired from 
our front. Then our wounded were carried to the rear as fast as possible, 
and details from the fighting forces assisted. We had relieved a brigade of 
Hooker's Division, which had lost many of their men before our arrival, and 
their wounded still remained on the field. We comforted them as we passed, 
and gave them water, for which they were begging. They endured their 
sufferings with great patience and fortitude, even urging us on to finish the 
work they had begun. We remained on the field an hour or two after dark- 
ness shrouded the scene, and after the 4th Maine Regiment relieved us, we 
were withdrawn to a patch of woods, where we remained without food 
or fires through the most dreary and uncomfortable night I ever expe- 
rienced. A few spread their rubber blankets on the wet ground, and 
with a woolen blanket covering them they passed the night entirely 
oblivious of the falling rain or the condition of their clothing. Nearly 
all of us remained awake to walk about and pass the desolate hours 
which seemed all the longer for the lack of fires, food and pastime. 
The officers were in the same predicament as ourselves, and Col. Riley 
uneasily walked about, nibbling a piece of hard-tack that some fortunate 
comrade had shared with him. 

The Union wounded were nearly all brought in during the night and then 
the wounded rebels received attention. Only one man in our Company, a 
Sergeant, shirked, and he claimed to have been so exhausted by the rapidity 
of our march as to be unable to proceed, and he therefore "remained with the 
knapsacks to guard them." He was reduced to the ranks, but I withhold his 
name, because in a few weeks he sealed his devotion to his country with his 


blood and proved his bravery by volunteering to engage in a hazardous 
undertaking that ended with his death. 

On Tuesday morning we tenderly buried our comrade Greenlaw, who was 
the first member of Company H to be killed in battle, near the roadside where 
he fell, and those who saw his mangled head were awed by the sad spectacle. 
Since then I have often wondered if his body was found when the killed at 
Williamsburg were exhumed and buried in the National Cemetery. While 
burial parties were interring the Union dead, I walked over the battlefield, 
where the contest raged the fiercest. The dead of both armies were scattered 
about and remained in the same position as when they fell. The bodies had 
assumed strange attitudes and they rested in every conceivable position. Our 
soldiers had generally died with pleasant expressions of face, but the rebel 
dead bore a more anxious look at the moment of death, and the skin was the 
pale hue of sulphur, instead of white like the faces of the Union victims. 
Nearly all of both armies had been shot through the head and breast, but a 
few had lost an arm or a leg. As I passed over not more than one quarter of 
the battlefield, I counted more than one hundred of each army. The rebel 
army had again fied without stopping to care for their wounded or to bury 
their dead. We encamped beyond the battlefield near the edge of the town, 
and remained there several days, while the other Divisions of our Corps ad- 
vanced to the front. A great many prisoners were captured by our Cavalry 
and Light Artillery, which followed the rebels in hot pursuit. These prisoners 
were clad in aU sorts of uniforms, and there were many strange specimens of 
humanity among them. They were generally ignorant and spoke of us as 
"you uns," and of themselves as "we uns." Their uniforms were of varying 
colors, and there seemed a great diversity in size, intelligence and personal 
appearance. Those from South Carolina wore buttons on their clothes with 
a palmetto tree on the face, under which was the motto, Animis opibusque 
parati, which, translated, reads "Prepared in mind and resources." I asked 
one of the prisoners the meaning of the motto, and he translated it, " Give the 

d ^n Yankees fits." They showed little concern but assiuned a reckless, 

defiant attitude, but were careful not to say much. Thus ended a most severe 
day upon a body of men jaded by a month of hard labor, want of sleep and a 
long march, and who had been under an unceasing fire and exposed to a driv- 
ing rain storm for twelve hours. See next page. 

I have not attempted to describe the entire Battle of WilUamsburg, but 
only that part of it that came under my personal observation. A great 
battle is too vast an event ever to be fully and perfectly described by one 
person. However active and observant a soldier may be, it is wholly impos- 
sible that the great mass of details should fall within his vision. In fact, 
what occurs in a soldier's own company during a battle ma,y not be entirely 
known to the whole company or to himself. The material for a faithful 
history is found among the official reports, and the correspondence, and the 
daily records made in writing by soldiers in the field. Our Brigade was 
scattered during this engagement, but each regiment received commendation. 
The battle raged on our right and left, with fearful losses. 

On Tuesday, we marched back and recovered our knapsacks, and then 
passed through the town and pitched our camp. Nearly all of the inhab- 


itants of Williamsburg remained, but they were mostly bitter secessionists 
and did not fear to disclose their sentiments. The Mozart Regiment was 
highly complimented by Generals Heintzelman, Kearny and Bimey in their 
official reports, extracts from which, with that of Col. Biley, constitute 
the remainder of this chapter. 


In pursuance of orders from headquarters, I respectfully submit the following 
report of the proceedings of the regiment under my command during the attack upon 
the works in front of Williamsburg. 

In the neighborhood of 3 p.m. of the 5th instant, we, in conjunction with the 38th 
New York, were ordered to advance to the front, in order to drive back the enemy's 
skirmishers. Reaching the front, we followed the 38th by the flank into the woods 
upon the right hand side of the road, when the 38th were sent forward in line, while the 
40th were divided into two wings, the right wing going forward to immediately support 
the 38th and the left wing to act as reserve. 

Not having a single field officer present on duty, I went forward with the right 
wing and advanced into the felled timber, where after getting to the front, I discovered 
the enemy, upon whom we opened fire, they returning it hotly with shot and shell. 
I also discovered that we were unmasked by the 38th New York moving toward the 
right, when, considering some support necessary, I searched for my left wing, and 
found that they had been ordered to the left of the road by Gen. Keamy, who gallantly 
led them forward until by a brisk dash they drove the enemy from the left of the 
timber back toward their rifle pits. Our men held their position thus, until nightfall, 
when the enemy retired to their entrenchments. After dark, various rumors being 
sent along the line to come in, and finding that a large number of men, being utterly 
exhausted, were going in to rest, and having no orders to come in or hold our ground, 
I came in and found Brig. Gen. Bimey, who ordered me to take those men on the right 
wing back from where they were formed in the road and establish a strong picket line 
along the front where the right companies were stationed and to let the left wing comr 
panics remain in, which I inmiediately did, re-establishing the line myself. 

About 6 A.M. the following morning, we were relieved. Having learned that Gen. 
Keamy desires the names of the officers of the left wing with a view to commend them, 
I would respectfully recommend that the right wing deserves equally honorable men- 
tion, they having maintained steadily, their advance under a galling cross-fire until 
the enemy ceased firing and retired, and having sustained a greater loss in killed and 
wounded than the left wing. I was much pleased with their steadiness during the whole 
movement, this being the first occasion our regiment was ever under fire. 

E. J. RILEY, Col. iOth N. Y. Vols. 

REPORT OP GEN. BiHNET. (Extract.) 

When I reached the front, the 38th and right wing of the 40th New York Regi- 
ments were ordered to the right of the road, and relieved opportunely, fragments of 
regiments that had been in the fight. They marched steadily to the front, and drove 
the enemy, after a furious contest, from the woods, where they fell back over fallen 
timber and opened a destructive fire from rifle pits. They were supported by their 
battery, which poured a weU-aimed and destructive fire into our ranks. The 38th, and 
right wing of the 40th New York regiments behaved nobly, and maintained their 

During the contest, the left wing of Col. Riley's 40th New York regiment was 
ordered to follow the 38th New York, to take the enemy in the rear. I sent with this 
wing, Capt. Mindil, of my staff, and in Gen. Kearny's presence, he led them to the dan- 
gerous position assigned them. 


At 1.30 P.M., within three and one half miles of the battlefield, I halted my columns 
to rest and to get the lengthened files in hand before committing them to action. 
Almost immediately, however, our knapsacks were piled and the head of the column 
resumed its march, taking the double-quick wherever the mud holes left a footing. 


Lieut. Johnson was born in Milford, Mass., April 10, 1840, and was the son of 
Lewis and Sally G. (Parkhurst) Johnson, both of whom came of New England 
ancestry. Before the war he was employed as a book-keeper. He was educated in 
the public schools of Milford, and at the Williston Academy, in Easthampton, Mass. 
He was a young man of excellent habits and fine promise, and would have advanced, 
without doubt, in the service, had he survived to continue his miUtary career. 

The following is the tribute of Col. Egan in his report of the Battle of Gettysburg, 
where Lieut. Johnson was killed. " In moving to another position, the regiment 
suffered terribly, and I have to regret the loss of one of my bravest and best officers, 
Lieut. William H. H. Johnson, who was Acting Adjutant. While nobly and gallantly 
urging on the men, he was instantly killed by a minie bullet." For military record, 
see Roster. 


Approaching nearer the field, I was informed that Hooker's cartridges were ex- 
pended, and with increased rapidity we entered under fire. As our troops came into 
action, our regiments promptly commenced an unremitting, well-delivered fire. The 
troops were now fully and successfully engaged along our whole line, and the regiments 
kept steadily gaining ground, but the heavy-strewn timber of the abattis defied all direct 
approach. I ordered Col. Ward, with the 38th New York, to charge down the road and 
take the rifle pits in the center of the abattis by their flank. This duty was performed 
with great gallantry. The left wing of Col. Biley's regiment, the 40th New York, was 
next sent for, and the Colonel being valiantly engaged in front, it came up, brilliantly 
conducted by Capt. Mindil, chief of Gen. Bimey's Staff. These charged up to the open 
space, silenced some artillery, and gaining the enemy's rear, caused him to relinquish 
his cover. The victory was ours. 

The 40th Begiment, Col. Riley, performed noble and efficient services. Col. Riley 
with great spirit, held the right wing with half his regiment, after the 38th and half the 
40th had been withdrawn to act imder my personal direction. The part of the 40th 
acting on the road against the central pits and abattis, charged down the road into the 
plain, passed beyond the enemy's flank, and drove off, by their severe fire, several pieces 
of artillery brought expressly against them. Fortune favored them. 

At 2.30 P.M. by the most strenuous exertions. Gen. Kearny and Gen. Berry pushed 
through the obstructions in their way, and arrived on the ground just as the enemy got 
to a battery of our artillery in the road, and repulsed him immediately. They held the 
ground as long as they had any ammunition, with a fearful loss of life against great odds, 
in a fortified position, until Gen. Kearny's Division made a march of nine miles through 
rain and mud over a road obstructed by troops that were going to the right. I cannot 
find words to express my admiration of their gallantry. 


We started again on Friday morning with two das^s' rations. On the 
previous day the battlefield was fired to purify it and prevent contagion. 
Our regimental loss at Williamsburg was 5 killed and 24 wounded. All of 
those killed belonged to Massachusetts companies, which, however, was a 
mere coincidence and not indicative of superior bravery or daring. The 
heroism and iutrepidity of the Mozarters were demonstrated on this occasion, 
and the entire Regiment forgot to be anything but soldiers. They flinched 
not once in this engagement, and Gen, Bimey knew that we deserved to have 
"Williamsburg" emblazoned in letters of gold on our flag, and he so recom- 
mended. But our exultation was tinged with the sad reflection that thirty- 
one of our comrades were not now with us. There were tragic moments in 
the battle, and the thought of them was still thrilling us as we remembered 
the fate of those who had been killed, or wounded, or captured at Williams- 
burg, We marched ten miles on Saturday and were then 53 miles from Fort 
Monroe and 45 from Richmond, On Sunday, we remained in camp, and 
impressive religious services were held by Chaplain Gilder, who endeavored 
to inculcate valuable truths from the events of the preceding week, A great 
many troops passed our camp during the day and we obtained grand impres- 
sions of the. power and strength of our army, of which we before had no con- 
ception. West Point was only eight miles in advance of us and to that place 
we were destined. Gen, Franklin had already arrived there by water and 
captured hundreds of prisoners after a desperate resistance, WhUe we were 
tarrying on Sunday in camp, Gen. McClellan dispatched a telegram to Wash- 
ington, in which he said, "Kearny's Division arrived in time to restore the 
fortunes of the day, and came most gallantly into action. " 

A great many prisoners were confined in Williamsburg when we passed 
through the town, and as we advanced we met them every day in charge of a 
guard. They were generally a dirty, squalid lot of men. We passed the 
ruins of the William and Mary College, from the windows of which the 
pioneers of our army had been shot, and it was for this reason that it had 
been burned. The retreat of the rebels was very moderate and our pursuit 
was likewise very moderate. There seemed to be no anxiety to overtake the 
enemy, and we kept plodding along as if we had no objective. We reached 
Cumberland on Thursday, May 15th, about 25 miles from Richmond, and 
Gen. Kearny issued an order to resume Company drills. We found good 
bathing in the river and availed ourselves of the opportunity it afforded to 
promote cleanliness and recreation. The sutlers obtained a harvest here, for 
their prices were outrageous. The indignation against them had now 
reached the homes of our soldiers, many of whom had been in the habit of 



sending five or ten dollars every month to their families, but these remittances 
had ceased to a great extent, and it caused suffering at home. And it was 
attributed to the sutlers, who made tempting displays of their goods which 
they sold at a profit of 500 per cent and even more on some articles, such as 
lemons which cost ten cents per dozen and were sold by the sutlers at fifteen 
cents each, which was 1800 per cent. 

Our progress up the peninsula was marked by genuine enjoyment. Our 
steps were pvmctuated by singing, and as one regiment finished, another in 
front or rear took up the refrain, and so we were constantly moving in a 
musical sphere. "John Brown's Body" was the most famous song, and 
everybody could sing it. Other popular refrains were " Ain 't I glad to get out 
de Wilderness?" "Three Black Crows," and "Red, White and Blue." In 
fact, we sang everything. No, not ever3rthing, for there was one song no one 
dared or cared to sing. It was " Home, Sweet Home, " and I doubt, had it 
been attempted, if it could have continued to the end. We remained at 
Cumberland until the First Division was ten miles in advance of us and then 
proceeded ourselves. We received ground coffee and brown sugar for use on 
the march, and each boiled his own coffee. When we halted at noon, some 
went for water while others built the fires. It was often difficult to obtain 
water for coffee at noon, but once it was otherwise, and I remember with 
great satisfaction the flowing of the purest and coolest stream of water from 
beneath an immense oak tree at the roadside. We halted near this lavish 
benefaction and filled our canteens from the aqueous boon and only wished 
we could carry the invigorating fountain with us. This offers me an oppor- 
tunity to discuss the question of pure water for army consumption, and I 
have often wondered why it would not be feasible to supply water by dis- 
tillation. A small apparatus for each Company would be the only requisite. 
Pure water is an essential for the maintenance of health, and health is an 
essential for the maintenance of an army. Why then is it not the duty to 
provide pure water for the army if there is any possible method of doing so? 
We found that the rivers and brooks could not be depended upon for a supply 
of pure water. They quickly became polluted and unhealthy. Neverthe- 
less, the filthy, contaminated water was used, and it sent thousands upon 
thousands of healthy men to untimely graves. Surely, if distilled water 
could be introduced into the army subsistence, the instincts of humanity 
and the conservation of life and army efficiency each demand that it should 
be done. 

We reached the Chickahominy River on Sunday, May 25th, and crossed 
at Bottom's Bridge, where our skirmishers had met a slight resistance. We 
camped one mile beyond there and again commenced to use the pick and 
shovel in digging rifle pits. We were on the extreme left of the army, and 
our line extended to the right a distance of six miles to New Bridge. Capt. 
Ingalls left us at New Kent Court House two weeks previous to this time, on 
account of sickness, and Lieut. Gould was in command of the Company. 
Capt. Ingalls returned before we again advanced, but he never again com- 
manded the Company, by reason of his promotion to Major to fiU the vacancy 
caused by the retirement of Maj. Halstead, who had at Yorktown refused to 
obey the orders of his Superior Officer, Lieut. Col. Egan, in consequence of 
which he was dismissed. There was quite a struggle among the Captains to 


obtain promotion, the most prominent of whom were Captains Ingalls, 
lingerer and Gesner. Capt. Westcott had resigned during the previous 
February, having been justly disappointed from the beginning because he 
was not commissioned as Major at Yonkers, and besides, he had sustained a 
troublesome accident. The choice between the three candidates was sub- 
mitted to the officers of the regiment, and after several ballots Capt. IngaUs 
was victorious. He immediately assumed his new duties, and during his 
brief term in the saddle he gave eminent satisfaction. The tragic ending of 
his military career was not far distant, but the narrative is deferred until a 
later period. My diary at this date. May 26th, contains the following para- 
graph: — "While the men were at work this forenoon, I took a stroU in the 
surrounding fields and found a large quantity of ripe strawberries upon which 
I feasted until I could eat no more." 

On the same day that we crossed the Chickahominy, Col. Riley was 
severely injured by his spirited and extremely vicious Black Hawk stallion 
that had been purchased for him some time previously by Capt. Wescott 
in Massachusetts. Returning to camp from some duty, he dismounted 
and was kicked by the animal upon the back of the head at the base of the 
skull. Col. Riley was prostrated by the violence of the blow and was at 
once removed to his tent. The Brigade and Regimental Surgeons were 
summoned and some time passed before they could restore him to conscious- 
ness. He remained under treatment several da,ya, but on Friday following 
the accident, when we again marched towards Richmond, he refused to be 
excused from duty and assimied command of the regiment. We advanced 
two miles that day to a point half a mile west of Savage Station, where we 
bivouacked within supporting distance of Hooker's and Casey's divisions 
which were encamped half a mile in advance of our position. 

At an early hour that Saturda}' morning we had seen a Confederate 
officer passing our camp under guard to the headquarters of Gen. Heintzel- 
man. The prisoner proved to be an aid on the staff of Gen. Johnston 
who had been reconnoitering and had wandered into our lines. We had 
hardly spread and arranged our "shelters" when exactly at noon we heard 
the boom of a rebel cannon not far distant. The immediate sharp musketry 
fire that followed told the Mozarters that a desperate struggle was at hand, 
and our "long roll" brought us into line, when we were informed by Col. 
Riley, who was already mounted, that we could have five minutes to fill our 
canteens. When we were again in line the firing was nearer, which fact 
told us that our troops in front were being driven back. The regiment was 
soon ordered forward and was stationed behind a low earthwork at right 
angles with the Williamsburg road, and our right near the West Point 
railroad. By personal direction of Gen. Kearny, the right and left flank 
Companies, F and D, which were armed with superior rifles, were stationed 
in a house that commanded the railroad. Col. Riley was not fit for duty, 
but he declined to leave the regiment at such a time, and later was ordered 
to advance. He immediately ordered the regiment forward in line of battle 
and we entered a piece of thin forest, where the Colonel, who was riding his 
fiery horse, was carried beneath the low-lowing limb of a tree, which 
swept him from the saddle and he fell heavily to the ground, striking upon 
his head. The regiment was halted, and after his head had been dressed. 


Col. RUey was carried back to camp, and the regiment was ordered back to the 

It was soon made evident to C!ol. Riley by the surgeons that further 
service in the field would be fraught with great danger, and a few days 
after the battle he very reluctantly tendered his resignation to Gen. Birney, 
who dictated a letter of sympathy to him under date of June 5th, in which 
he said: — "Your resignation has been approved, and I think it will be 
speedily accepted and Uberty given you to recover your health at home." 

It was certainly a sad fate to be compelled to separate from the men he 
had faithfully and patiently instructed for an entire year in military tactics 
until they had become proficient soldiers. He had the satisfaction, how- 
ever, of knowing that the Mozart Regiment was regarded by the Generals 
who commanded it as one of the best disciplined and most reliable regiments 
in the field. In the official report of the battle of Fair Oaks, Gen. Heintzelman 
said, "The discipline and steadiness of the 40th New York Regiment was 

The retirement of Col. Riley was deeply regretted, for he had come to be 
regarded as the master builder and architect of the Mozart military struc- 
ture, and we all willingly conceded that our military strength was due to him, 
and that it was his untiring efforts, his imceasing zeal and his rare executive 
ability that brought the Mozart Regiment to its masterly organization 
and enabled it to attain the distinction he had prepared it to achieve. 
But Col. Riley was obliged to leave the men he had taught to trust and obey 
him, and not until several years had passed could he subject his mind to 
any severe strain. 

A furious rain-storm prevailed through the night previous to the battle 
of Fair Oaks, and it was evidently the intention of Gen. Johnston, who 
commanded the rebel forces, to force us back into the swollen Chickahominy 
Riverand annihilate or capture us when we could no longer retreat. Although 
Gen. Casey was surprised, the rebel army was checked by him and held 
within the first line of battle, and it was then defeated by Kearny and Hooker 
on the following day, supported by the timely arrival of some of Sedgwick's 
troops. Instead of fighting the battle of the Chickahominy as proposed by 
Gen. Johnston, fifteen miles from Richmond, there was fought the battle of 
Fair Oaks, within five miles of the rebel capital. And it was by the 
superior fighting of the Federal Army that the superior numbers of the 
rebels were overcome. And when the battle ended the rebel hosts had 
been no more than a mile or two from the camp they had left with the expec- 
tation of reaching a new line of battle on the Chickahominy after vanquishing 
their foe. Eight of Gten. Casey's thirteen regiments were raw troops, and until 
the arrival of our Division they were compelled to retire, and the fighting 
along the line of the Williamsburg road continued until after six o'clock. 
And Sedgwick did not arrive until nearly that hour, after forcing his troops 
across the swollen river and marching his men over the miry and boggy 

The battle was renewed the next morning by an attack of Longstreet 
upon Sumner's Corps, near the railroad, which had not been engaged after 
their arrival late on the previous afternoon. Bimey's brigade was in support 
of these troops on that fateful June morning when the Mozart Regiment lost 


96 men, including every member of the Color Guard killed or wounded. The 
heavy loss of Gen. Kearny's Division attests how much we felt the enemy. 
After Gen. Kearny's Division arrived on the field, our forces did not fall 
back a third of a mile before we checked the enemy. The next day we 
drove them back. The accuracy of our shooting was astonishing, when we 
consider how apt "raw material" are to "shoot wild." So many dead 
rebels shot through the head was powerful testimony to the accuracy of 
the firing. Soon after Col. Riley had been conveyed from the battlefield, 
Lieut. Col. Egan was ordered to assume command of the regiment, and 
during the remainder of the battle he conducted its movements, his report 
of which follows. 

Report of Col. Egan. 

About 1 P.M. on the 31at day of May, orders were received to form the regiment as 
quickly aa possible. This was at once done, and with the rest of the brigade, we were 
marched by Gen. Bimey up the Williamsburg road about half a mile, when we filed to 
the right and halted. We remained here until under orders. 

I marched the command to the right as far as the railroad, then up the railroad 
about half a mile, when we filed to the right into an open field and formed in line of battle. 
After remaining in this position about two hours, we were ordered to march back to an 
open field on the left of the railroad, where I sent out two companies as pickets. The 
balance of the command remained in line of battle all night. 

About eight o'clock in the morning, sharp firing commenced in the woods on our 
right, when I wheeled the battalion to the right in order to face the enemy, and under a 
galling fire charged over the fence into the woods, our men at the same time delivering 
a vigorous fire upon the rebels. The enemy advanced upon us and I then ordered my 
men to charge bayonets. In an instant they were advancing at double-quick, which 
the enemy perceiving, and not relishing the idea of cold steel, turned and fled. We 
continued driving them to the front, and when near the edge of the woods we received 
a heavy fire from the front and left. Here many of our men fell, notwithstanding 
which, not one faltered, but with tremendous cheers continued to advance, driving the 
enemy entirely from the woods and scattering them in all directions, notwithstanding 
they made a desperate resistance. The victory was complete. In this charge we cap- 
tured about 25 prisoners, including several officers. 

Some idea of the severity of the enemy's fire may be found from the fact that out of 
those engaged our loss was 96. Every member of the Color Guard was either killed or 
wounded, and Color Corporal Grieves, notwithstanding a severe wound in the shoulder, 
planted the colors far in advance of the woods, and remained there until he was recalled 
by myself. T. W. EGAN, Col. 40th N. Y. VoU. 

In his report of the battle Gen. McQellan said, "After an hour of hard 
fighting, a charge with the bayonet was ordered by the 38th and 40th New 
York and the 3d Maine regiments, and the enemy fled in confusion, throwing 
down arms and even clothing in his flight." 

This bayonet charge is thus reported by Gen. Ward: "I immediately 
changed front to face the woods from where the firing emanated, and as the 
enemy advanced and their fire increased, I gave the order to fire and imme- 
diately thereafter to charge. This movement was most brilliantly performed, 
driving the terrified enemy before them, and the feat was accomplished by the 
40th New York, 38th New York and 3d Maine regiments. The rout was 
complete. Our loss was severe for the short time engaged. I cannot find 
words to express my admiration of the conduct of both officers and men in 
the discharge of their several duties. Lieut. Col. Egan was superb." 

The Confederates attacked with determined and reckless disregard of 
judgment, but they were met with the valor of disciplined troops which the 


Son of Richard and Harriet A. Welch, and bom in Newburyport, Mass., Dec. 25, 
183S. He received his education in the public schools of his native city and acquired 
the trade of a house painter, at which occupation he is still employed. He was 
married in the year 1857, to Miss Mary A. Holm, and they are the parents of four 
children, viz. : — Ben S., May M., George H., and Harriet A. Welch. 

Comrade Welch is a member of the Masonic Fraternity, and for many years was 
a prominent and influential member of Post 49, Grand Army of the Republic, but when 
the Union Veterans Legion was instituted, he withdrew and became affiliated with 
the new organization in which he is now serving as Adjutant of Encampment No. 79. 
He resides with his family, at No. 40 Middle Street, Newburyport. For military 
record, see Roster. 


audacious impetuosity of the enemy could not dispel. It proved that we 
had become soldiers and could no longer be frightened or stampeded by a 
distorted imagination and vmreasonable conclusions under the excitement 
of battle. It was the arrival and the fighting of Richardson's Division of 
the Second Corps, assisted by Birney's Brigade, that snatched a victory out 
of defeat at Fair Oaks. We were not prepared for battle, and Casey's 
Division should not have held the advance with so many troops who had 
never participated in a battle. And other conditions contributed to the 

The attack upon Richardson, supported by Bimey, was repulsed with 
severe loss. But we were not aggressive and were only holding the lines, 
hoping for the arrival of McClellan, who did not reach the field until the 
fighting was over, just the same as at Williamsburg. McClellan was never 
seen in any battle by the left wing of the army. Why so, we could not 
imagine. He was awaited, and had it been known that he would not come, 
the battle of Fair Oaks would have been fought with greater desperation 
and been greatly more sanguinary.. And the result might have been different. 
Even as it was, the march into Richmond immediately would have been an 
easy imdertaking. But there we were without McClellan, and there we 
remained under McClellan. It still remains a mystery why Gen. McClellan 
delayed his start for the battlefield until the second day, if he desired to 
reach the scene and to direct the operations. The official reports do not 
enlighten us, and McClellan himself made no explanation in his official report 
of the battle he had not witnessed and in which he had not participated. 

The Confederate army returned to its camps and we remained victorious 
upon the field we had conquered and where lay the enemy's dead and 
wounded. The night was devoted to gathering up the wounded of both 
armies, and the next day to burying the dead. 



Regabding the statement of Col. Egan that every member of the Color 
Guard was either killed or wounded, the following details prove its truth : — 
The National Flag was that day firat in the hands of Sergt. Joseph Conroy 
of Company C, who was early killed while advancing with the regiment. 

As he was seen to fall, the flag was seized by Corpl. Charles Boyle of Com- 
pany C, but not long did he bear the precious ensign. He was hit by a rebel 
bullet almost inunediately and was advised to retire, but he refused to relin- 
quish the flag and was soon fatally shot and died on the field as the regiment 

Corpl. Thomas Breslin of Company H was the next victim. As Boyle 
fell, Breslin seized the flag before it touched the ground, and in a few minutes 
he too lay bleeding and disabled by a vicious wound in the leg. Just as he 
fell, Corpl. Oliver H. Busbee of Company F took the flag and was soon in 
the agonies of death. 

All this transpired in less than twenty minutes, and whUe it was happen- 
ing others of that brave Color Guard were falling. 

Corpl. Currier of Company B took the State Flag into the flght and 
received a woimd that ended his life before the battle terminated. 

Corporal Bennett of Company I took the National Flag when Corpl. 
Busbee was killed, and he was wounded in the left arm. 

Corpl. Nelson took the Blue Flag when Currier was mortally wounded, 
and he retained it until he was himself fatally wounded. Ilien it was 
carried by Corpl. Reed, who luckily escaped unharmed, in consequence of 
which he carried it thereafter. 

Corpl. Betts of Company A received a bad wound at the same instant as 
Corporal Nelson, and his place was filled by Corpl. Miller of Company I, who 
was with the colors only a few minutes before he was disabled by a lifle ball. 

Corpl. Smedley of Company K then stepped into the deadly breach, and 
sustained a similar wound. When Corpl. Bennett fell, the National Flag 
was handed to Corpl. Fowler, who received a wound before he had carried 
the ensign a dozen steps, and he halted to bind his wound, from which the 
blood was flowing in a stream. The vacancy was filled by Corpl. Slattery of 
Company K, who soon shared the fate of his predecessors. 

Corpl. Moyne of Company I took the flag, but only for an instant. He 
was added to the slaughter, while the regiment tarried to relocate the enemy 
and to enable those who had been detailed to attend the wounded or who had 
straggled through exhaustion from the effects of that exciting charge which 
demoralized the enemy and sent them rushing back in abject precipitation. 

When Corporal Moyne relinquished the flag it came under the guardian- 
ship of Corporal Grieves of Company G. He had received a painful wound 




in the shoulder, but he would not quit the fight. Instead, he continued on a 
few yards in advance of the line, and there was surrounded by not one of his 
comrades who had entered the battle with him, but by equally brave and 
faithful fellows who volunteered to defend and protect their cherished emblem. 
No one but Grieves among that gallant eleven who went forth that morning 
in charge of the colors was with it then as he stood there peering through the 
thick foliage which obscured his vision, when, at the same time, he might 
honorably have been in the field hospital tmder surgical treatment. But no! 
he would nolt yield, and there he remained until ordered by Col. Egan to 
withdraw. As he took position in line. Col. Egan, in a loud tone, immediately 
promoted him to the rank of Sergeant, and those who heard the well-deserved 
promotion conferred upon Corporal Grieves found it in their hearts, there in 
front of the enemy on the deadly line of battle, facing the rebels not many 
yards distant, and forgetful of all save honoring a brave comrade-in-arms, 
to applaud the Colonel's act, and to give three cheers for their courageous 

After that episode there was but little firing. The regiment cautiously 
advanced, and a few skirmishers went forth in search of the enemy, but there 
were only a few shots between them and a volley or two across the railroad. 
Thus ended the battle. We had conquered and held possession of the field, 
and the dead and wounded of the enemy were in our hands. 

Corporal Grieves was the last to bear the flag in battle that day, but it was 
not until several hours later, when the enemy seemed to have retreated and 
abandoned the field, that he consented to leave the ranks and have his wound 
dressed by Surgeon Halsey, who had followed the regiment to be sure of 
affording immediate assistance in case of necessity. 

What happened that day to the Mozart Color Guard happened to no 
other regiment during the war. Other regimental Color Guards lost heavily, 
but at no other battle was there another such harvest of death from any par- 
ticular Color Guard. And not only was every one of the regularly detailed 
Color Guard killed or wounded on that day, but five others were wounded. 
Sixteen men were placed hors de combat in the short space of less than an hour 
of actual fighting. What happened to the survivors among them and what 
became of them will interest my readers. 


Color Sergeant Joseph Conbot 

Company C 


Color Corporal John S. Betts 

Company A 


Color Corporal John F. Ctjhrier 

Company B 


Color Corporal Chaeles Boyle 

Company C 


Color Corporal Adam S. Fowi-er 

Company D 


Color Corporal Samuel J. Nelson 

Company E 


Color Corporal Oliver H. Busbee 

Company F 


Color Corporal Robert Grieves 

Company G 


Color Corporal Thomas Breblin 

Company H 


Color Corporal Jacob D. Bennett 

Company I 


Color Corporal Jeremiah D. Slattert 

Company K 



As has been stated, Sergeant Conroy and Corporals Currier, Boyle, Busbee 
and Nelson were killed in action. Of the others, the only one known to be 
alive at the present time is Sergeant Thomas Breslin of Company H, who is 
now employed as landscape gardener at the Soldiers' Home in Chelsea, Mass. 
As soon as his wound had healed, he returned to the regiment and was pro- 
moted to the rank of Sergeant. He participated in the Seven Days' battles 
without a scratch, but was again wounded at Gettysburg on July 2, 1863, 
near the Peach Orchard. He continued in the service until the expiration 
of his enlistment, and was honorably discharged June 27, 1864, three years 
from the time he was mustered into the army at Yonkers. Sergeant Breslin 
enlisted in Arlington, where he was employed at the time the war began, and 
he returned there on furlough after his Fair Oaks wound had sufficiently 
healed for him to travel. He was enthusiastically welcomed by the citizens 
of Arlington, who tendered him a reception at a public meeting in the Town 
Hall, where the company had before its departure for the seat of war so often 
drilled and given exhibitions of its proficiency before large and admiring 
audiences of ladies and gentlemen. A large audience, composed of prominent 
people, including physicians, lawyers, clergymen and teachers, assembled to 
honor the brave Corporal of Company H, who had returned to tell them about 
the war and about his comrades at the front. Speeches were made extolling 
the guest of the evening, and when Corporal Breslin arose to reply he was 
overwhelmed with tumultuous applause, and was not permitted to speak for 
several minutes. At last, when silence ensued, Corporal Breslin wiped away 
his tears, and spoke of the regiment and the company, eulogizing Captain 
Ingalls as a good officer and a brave soldier. He explained how the battle of 
Fair Oaks was fought, and how he had received his wound, and concluded his 
remarks by thanking the audience for their kindness and sa3dng that he 
should return to the army and hoped to do his duty faithfully and to be 
spared until the close of the war, when he could return to them and say that 
the Mozart Regiment had sustained the honorable record it had already 
earned. Corporal Breslin also attended a Town Meeting, and was invited to 
speak. He addressed the meeting, and nearly fifty dollars were collected and 
given to him as a testimonial of respect. 

Corporal John S. Betts. 

He was the third valiant guardian of the flag to fall on that day. He 
recovered from his disabiUty in time to participate in the Seven Days' battles, 
and he escaped injury imtil the battle of Gettysburg, July 2, 1863, but his 
wound did not send him beyond the Regimental Hospital. His wound 
healed in time for him to participate in the Mine Run campaign, and he en- 
gaged in the action that took place near Bartlett's Mills, Nov. 27, 1863, where 
he received another wound that caused his death, less than one month later, 
Dec. 17, 1863, at the General Hospital in Alexandria, to which he was con- 
veyed for treatment, which from the beginning gave no hope of recovery. He 
died proud of his three wounds, and perfectly resigned to his fate, and thank- 
ing God that he had been permitted to serve in the Mozart Regiment and to 
defend the flag of his country. 


CoEPOEAL Adam S. Fowler. 

He was promoted to Sergeant Sept. 1, 1862, as soon as his Fair Oaks 
wound healed, and Dec. 13, 1862, he was taken prisoner at the battle of Fred- 
ericksburg. He was exchanged in the following June, and returned to duty 
on the 16th of that month. He was again taken prisoner in the action at Po 
River, May 16, 1864, and was paroled in time for his return to duty in just 
one year from the date of his capture. He reached Washington, May 16, 
1865, where he was mustered out June 1, 1865, after a service of more than 
four years. 

CoHPOEAL Robert Grieves. 

He was promoted to Sergeant for gallant conduct on the field of battle, as 
already stated, but his wound and consequent iUness kept him in the hospital, 
and he was never again well enough for active service. It therefore became 
necessary to have the services of a sergeant in his place, and he was therefore 
reduced in rank to a private. He continued with the regiment until March 4, 
1864, at which date he was transferred to the Veteran Reserve Corps, in 
which he completed his term of three years. 

CoEPOEAL Jacob D. Bennett. 

He enlisted as a Private, and was promoted to Corporal soon after the 
regiment reached Washington in 1861. He was assigned to the Color Guard 
at the time it was organized at Camp Sackett, and he continued to serve in 
that sphere of duty. He was never absent from duty on account of sickness, 
and at Fair Oaks he was one of the earliest to be disabled, but his wound 
healed quickly, and he was promoted to Sergeant in a few weeks after the 
battle, which took him from service with the Color Guard. But that did not 
take him from the danger line, and he was wounded again at the battle of 
Chantilly, Sept. 1, 1862. After he recovered, he was promoted to the impor- 
tant position of Sergeant Major, but the duties of that position were not con- 
genial to him, and he was restored to his former rank of Sergeant, and soon 
after was promoted to First Sergeant. He continued to hold that rank until 
the battle of the Wilderness, May 5, 1864, where he was instantly killed by a 
bullet, which struck him in the forehead and passed entirely through his head, 

CoEPOEAL Jeeemiah D. Slatteht, 

He was mustered into the service at Yonkers, Jime 27, 1861, as Wagoner 
of Company K. In December, 1861, he was promoted to Corporal, and 
assigned to the Color Guard when it was formed. He was in the bloody 
charge at Fair Oaks, and was unharmed imtil the pursuit of the rebels ceased, 
when, as the regiment halted, the parting shot of a rebel sharpshooter, fired 
at the colors, took effect upon Slattery's right arm. For his work that day 
Corpl. Slattery was promoted to Sergeant. He safely passed through the 
Seven Days' fight, but at Fredericksburg, Dec. 13, 1862, he received a flesh 
wound in the leg, which, however, did not long keep him from performing 
duty. He was a faithful soldier and was never known to shirk. In its long 


tramp to the Gett3rsburg battlefield, Slattery participated with the regiment, 
and engaged in the action of the second day, July 2, 1863, and there received 
a wound in the chest that sent him to the Field Hospital, and we never saw 
him again. He died two weeks after the battle. 


Corporal Gsorqe Mill.eii 

Company I 


Corporal Henht Howakd 

Company D 


Corporal William Goldsbt 

Company E 


Corporal William Moywe 

Company I 


Corporal William UiUFriTH 

Company E 


Corporal George Miller. 

He was sworn into the regiment June 26, 1861, as a Private and was pro- 
moted to Corporal after the battle of Williamsburg. He was a good soldier 
and faithfully performed all required duties. His wound did not prevent 
his participation in any subsequent battles, but he was killed in action at the 
Wilderness, May 5, 1864. 

Corporal Henht Howard. 

He enlisted as a Private at Alexandria, Va., and was promoted to Corporal 
before the regiment left Camp Sackett, in March, 1862. His wound was 
troublesome and disqualified him for service, and he was honorably dis- 
charged Dec. 27, 1862, at the hospital in Philadelphia to which he was con- 
veyed for treatment. 

Corporal William Griffith. 

The bullet that disabled him passed through under the shoulder blade, 
and he was sent to the hospital at Fort Monroe, where his death was expected 
during many weeks. But he raUied to learn that he could never again serve 
in the army, from which on Nov. 27, 1862, he was honorably discharged. 

Corporal William Moyne. 

He volunteered to go to the defense of the Colors and was wounded through 
the fleshy part of the tiiigh. He returned to duty in October and was pro- 
moted to Corporal at once and in the following January to Sergeant. In 
November, 1863, he was promoted to First Sergeant, and was again wounded 
in action May 5, 1864, at the WUdemess. His wound was so severe that he 
never returned to the regjment, and he was mustered out June 26, 1864, at 
the expiration of his term of enlistment. 

Corporal Wiluam Goldsbt. 

His wound was near the right groin and was so troublesome that he 
remained in the hospital to which he was sent imtil the surgeons decided 
that he would never be able to march, and on Dec. 7, 1862, six months after 
receiving his wound, he was honorably discharged. 


THRiiE MoHE Volunteers. 

Private Joseph Brown of Company F, Private John Bmndige of Company 
F, and Corpl. Thomas Reed of Company G served for a brief time on the 
Color Guard that day, after the heavy firing ceased, and they escaped injury. 
Brown was wounded at the battle of Chantilly, but he recovered and was 
transferred to the Artillery service in the Regular Army. Hardly three 
months elapsed before Brundige received a fatal wound at BuU Run, at which 
battle he acted as one of the Color Corporals. Reed went to the defense of 
the flag when so many of its guardians were stricken down. He also served 
on the Color Guard at Malvern Hill, Bull Run and Chantilly without injury, 
but he was killed in action Dec. 13, 1862, at the battle of Fredericks- 

It thus appears that five of the original Color Guard were killed in action 
at Fair Oaks, and that the remaining six were woimded. Of these six. Belts 
was subsequently wounded twice and died of his woimds. Bennett, also, was 
twice wounded after his wound at Fair Oaks, and the last time his woimd was 
fatal. Slattery too, was wounded twice, and died of his wounds. Breslin 
was again wounded at Gettysburg and Fowler was taken prisoner twice, which 
was worse than being wounded. Grieves actually died from the effects of his 
wound, for he never again performed any military duty in the field. Of the 
five auxiliary flag defenders that day, Miller and Reed were subsequently 
killed in battle, Howard, Mojme, and Smedley were incapacitated. Of the 
others who assisted, Brundige was killed at Bull Run, Brown was wounded 
at Chantilly, and Reed was killed at Fredericksburg. 

A strange fatality seems to have pursued these nineteen men, for only 
four of them lived to complete their term of enlistment, viz. : — Breslin, 
Fowler, Grieves, and Moyne. Fowler was a prisoner when his three years 
expired and he was held just one year. When he was released, his condition 
was extremely pitiable. He was much emaciated and his health ruined by 
exposure and deficient nourishment. He was entitled to an immediate dis- 
charge, and as soon as his accounts were adjusted he was paid the large sum 
due him for money he had not been able to draw, and for clothing he was 
entitled to receive, and was discharged June 1, 1865, a few weeks before the 
Regiment was mustered out of the service. 

I may be asked by some of my readers to account for the remarkable 
mortality that befell the Mozart Color Guard in this particular battle. To 
explain this strange and unusual result, I should say that the battle was 
almost entirely fought in dense forests. There were open patches of ground 
within the scope of the battle, but the enemy avoided the cleared fields and 
preferred to fight under cover of the trees. This brought the hostile armies 
nearer together, and being nearer, the Colors could more easily be distin- 
guished, and as it is always sought to annihilate the Colors, which a regiment 
follows and about which it clusters and raUies in a contest at close range, the 
fire of the enemy in this instance was concentrated upon the Color Guard, and 
of course, under such circumstances, the firing was more effective. And be- 
sides, the enemy waited to deliver volleys as we were advancing to grapple 
with them in close quarters. Our fire was therefore reserved hoping that the 
enemy would stand and meet our bayonets, which we had been ordered to use, 


but which the enemy dared not face. Our progress, too, was necessarily slow 
on account of the trees, which made rapid advance impossible. 

Our loss at Fair Oaks was 16 killed, 48 wounded, and 3 missing; total 67, 
or more than that of any other regiment in the Brigade. Gen. McClellan did 
not arrive until long after the battle had terminated, for it was mid-afternoon 
before he halted and dismounted before Gen. Heintzelman's headquarters, 
which, at that time, were located just in rear of our position. It was here 
that I obtained a first glimpse of the distinguished Frenchmen who were 
serving upon Gen. McClellan's Staff, the Prince de Joinville and his two 
nephews, the Coimt de Paris and the Duke de Chartres. They seemed very 
tired as they dismounted, but doubtless were capable of enduring any 
necessary fatigue. They had ridden a dozen miles at a fast gait and the horses 
were well coated with mud. After a brief conversation with Gen. Heintzel- 
man, Gen. McClellan remounted and retiuned the way he had come, followed 
by his Staff and Body Guard. The next day he issued an address, which was 
read to us that night at roU call. 

During the late afternoon, I wandered over a portion of the battlefield 
where the fighting was most severe and where lay the dead of both armies. 
Many of the Union wounded had been removed and the rebel wounded were 
receiving attention. The Ambulance C!orps and stretcher bearers were 
straining every nerve to succor the helpless, but it would have required an 
army to remove all of them immediately. The groans of some were piteous, 
many calling for water or the doctor, while others were begging for some one 
to shoot them and relieve their misery. Some were dragging their bleeding 
forms along to a place of security, and I saw those whose life blood was fast 
or slowly ebbing away with hardly strength to plead for assistance. In a 
small shanty in the woods, that had been riddled with bullets, there were 
gathered a score or more of rebel wounded who had been examined and found 
to be so badly injured that recovery was impossible. Some, even then, were 
closing their eyes in death. Others were unconscious and several were weep- 
ing. They were evidently beyond the power of conversation, and I passed 
them without speaking. The dead were everywhere, and in places so many 
covered the ground that I found it difficult to walk without stepping upon a 
lifeless body. The dead were not buried imtil Monday, and on Tuesday we 
moved our camp across the Williamsburg road to the extreme left of the army 
and a mile in advance of the location from which we hurried to the battlefield 
of Fair Oaks. We were now about one mile south of the railroad, and our 
pickets bordered the White Oak Swamp. 

At about this time, we were ordered to wear a square-shaped patch of red 
cloth upon our caps. Gen. Kearny had observed during the Battle of Fair 
Oaks that too many stragglers went to the rear who were unhurt and who 
should have been at the front. He endeavored to learn if they belonged to 
his Division by questioning some of those he met in the roadway, but he 
could not determine with what regiments they were connected, and from 
this incident the Corps Badge originated. We cut pieces of red cloth from 
the lining of our overcoats and pinned or sewed them upon our caps. 
Thereafter, Gen. Kearny could identify his soldiers, and the red diamond had 
a tendency to prevent the evil it was designed to obviate. It was not, how- 
ever, until the following spring that Corps Badges were adopted throughout 


Lieut. Earl was born of Colonial and Revolutionary stock, in Westchester, N. Y. 
Jan. 12, 1840. His parents were William Earl of Newark, N. J., and Serena (SniiTen) 
Earl of Westchester. He obtained his education in the pubUc schools and became a 
Clerk of Courts. He married Clarissa C. Palmer at New Concord, N. Y., Feb. 23 
1864, and they have two daughters, viz. : — Lucy A., wife of John E. Smith, and E. 
Augusta Earl. He served four years in the State Assembly from Brooklyn and four 
years from Kings County. During the years 1875 and 1876, he acted as Secretary to 
Congressman A. M. Bliss and as Special Washington Correspondent of the Brooklyn 
Daily Eagle and Brooklyn Times. During his legislative service, he fathered a Bill 
exempting Civil War veterans from Civil Service examination, which was modified 
by giving them preference as now embodied in the State Constitution. Comrade 
Earl is also the father of the law restricting the hours of labor on railroads and one 
governing the canning and labeling of food in New York. 

Lieut. Earl is a member of Charles H. Burtis Post No. 185, Department of New 
York,. Grand Army of the Republic, and resides with his family at No. 83 Sunnyside 
Ave., Brooklyn, N. Y. He now holds the honorable position of poUce court clerk in 
Brooklyn. He is also affiliated with Ridgewood Council, Royal Arcanum. See 


the various armies. These badges were of different designs, but the colors 
were uniform, the First Division of each corps wearing red, the Second 
Division white, and the Third Division blue. Previous to this, Kearny's 
Division had all worn the red diamond. On Thursday afternoon after the 
battle of Fair Oaks, a complimentary order was issued by Gen. Kearny, 
which was read to us at Dress Parade. 

The result of this battle greatly demoralized the rebel forces, and we 
might easily have captured Richmond had Gen. McClellan so designed. But 
he hesitated, and the opportunity vanished. 



As previously stated, we went out on picket the next day, June 13th. 
The picket detail was in command of Major Burt of the 3d Maine Regi- 
ment, which was on picket duty with us. Our picket line connected with 
Gren. Hooker's line and extended from the West Point Railroad across the 
Williamsburg Turnpike to White Oak Swamp two miles or more, and beyond 
Charles City Road leading to Richmond, parallel with the turnpike and dis- 
tant about two miles therefrom. The Picket Reserve was located about one 
mile in rear of the picket line, beneath an immense oak tree, the branches of 
which afforded shelter from the heat of the sun and partial protection from 
rain. Beyond our picket line, half a mile in advance, was located an out' 
post at the side of a wagon road, in a dense forest, on swampy ground. To 
this advanced post, I was ordered on Saturday morning, June 14th, in 
command of four privates of Company H, viz. : — Henry C. Cobb, Dennis 
Conway, W. M. Osgood, and John Meehan. Upon relieving the Picket 
Guard at the outpost that morning, I was instructed to allow no one to 
leave the post for an instant. Also, to permit no fire, no smoking, no loud 
talking, no sleep, and if attacked, to fire at the enemy and retreat. At 
about two o'clock that afternoon, Lieut. Gould reached my station with 
four privates of our Company, viz. : — Harrison Booth, Suel Ellis, Thomas 
McCarty, and Ezra W. Thompson, each of whom had volunteered to 
accompany the Lieutenant upon what he told them was hazardous duty. 

Upon arriving at my post, Lieut. Gould informed me that he had been 
ordered to scout witRin a radius of 300 yards beyond the outpost where I 
was stationed. In a few minutes, the Lieutenant and the comrades above 
named, advanced to the front and were immediately lost to sight in the 
forest at the right of the road. 

I ordered the Picket Guard into line with rifles ready for action, and 
awaited results. In about five minutes, a heavy volley of musketry was 
heard in the direction taken by Lieut. Gould, and a few minutes later, he 
returned to the outpost alone, after narrowly escaping a volley from my 
men as he came nmning into view among the trees. He was in an excited 
condition and sank exhausted upon the ground. While lying upon his 
back, breathing heavily, I bathed his perspiring face with water from my 
canteen, and from his own flask I administered a few drops of brandy, 
which he habitually carried for such emergencies. In about ten minutes 
he had recovered his'Usual composure, and I said to him: — 

Question. "Where are the boys. Lieutenant?" 

Answer. "Dead." 

Question. "Are you sure?" 

Answer. "Yes." Noticing that he had no sword, I asked, — 

Question. "Where is your sword?" 

Answer. "Lost." 



He soon regained his normal condition and immediately returned alone 
to the Picket Reserve, and reported what had happened. He was then 
ordered to take the entire Company, which he had commanded since the 
promotion of Capt. Ingalls, and endeavor to recover the bodies of his men. 

Again arriving at my post, he related to me what he had been ordered 
to do, and then deployed the Company to the right, and advanced at the 
sound of the bugle. The search was in vain, and in about twenty minutes 
the Company was rallied upon the outpost, and then marched back to 
the Picket Reserve. 

The night shades soon began to envelop the scene of this stirring episode, 
that had disclosed to me the proximity of the enemy and the necessity 
for extreme vigilance. I ordered the Picket Guard to stand with rifles in 
hand ready for instant service, and assigned each to a position so that the 
entire field of vision facing the enemy could be observed. All through the 
night, with bodies inclined forward in an attitude to quicker discover if any 
enemy were stealthily approaching, eyes and ears were strained to see or 
hear an advancing foe. A bright starlight aided vision, and thus increased 
the terrible nervous tension, for the swaying of a distant bush, the flight of 
a night hawk or the movement of a nimble squirrel, was dimly visible and 
susceptible of distortion. The experience taught us that, at such a time, 
the human ear has an excessive delicacy of hearing, and we found when 
darkness covered the scene, that objects familiar by daylight assumed a 
different aspect at night. At midnight, the plainly audible "long roll" of 
the enemy disturbed the quietude of our ceaseless vigil through a night of 
prolonged watchfulness and anxiety. 

I found this incessant strain upon the nervous forces, where the expecta- 
tion of an attack by an unseen enemy through the long hours of night, 
mingled with anticipations of capture or death, to be far more exhausting 
than the excitement of actual battle where there is no opportunity for 
reflection and therefore no apprehension of the consequences. The experi- 
ences of such a night actuate the nervous system and produce intense mental 
excitement without any corresponding action of the physical powers. I may 
add, to complete the history of this event, that during the night, the dead 
body of EUis was recovered by Comrade Lapham of Company A, and that 
Booth and McCarty were uninjured and found their way back before morning 
to the Reserve. Thompson was never again seen or heard from, and he 
probably died in the hands of the enemy. 

Lieut. Gould was reUeved from duty upon the pretense that he advanced 
farther than he had been ordered to go, but ten days later he resumed 
command of the Company at the Battle of Oak Grove without any official 
hearing or investigation of the alleged disobedience of orders. In fact, 
it was sought to make him a scapegoat for the blunder of Major Burt, who 
assigned Lieut. Gould to a needless task that could not in any event have 
been productive of beneficial results. I have been unable to find any 
ofiicial report of this event that sacrificed the lives of two valuable soldiers 
and humiliated a faithful officer. It could not at the time be ascertained 
that Major Burt had any authority to order such a reckless movement, and 
the result was probably concealed from Gten. Kearny, which accounts for his 
failure to mention the incident in official dispatches. Major Burt was a 


brave oflScer and gave his life to his country at Fredericksburg, but that 
did not affect his culpability for causing the deaths of Ellis and Thompson. 

Lieut. Gould was held in the highest estimation by his comrades, as was 
manifested when a new sword was presented to him that was purchased with 
money contributed by members of the Company and brother officers. The 
presentation was made by Lieut. Graves, who ended his speech by addressing 
the Company as follows : — "I cannot finish this pleasing taak without adding 
a feeble expression of the deep sensibility with which I received this token of 
the love and respect you feel for your superior officer, in honoring whom with 
this beautiful testimonial, you have honored yourselves." Later, Lieut. 
Gould distinguished himself in battle and was severely wounded at Chantilly, 
where also. Orderly Sergeant Durgin and Sergeant Fletcher were wounded, 
and Sergeant Wiley killed. It was in this battle also, that Privates Jackson, 
Meehan, Hanna, and McLean were wounded, thus attesting the sanguinary 
character of the battle, and proving the bravery of Lieut. Gould and the com- 
rades he that day commanded. The woxmd of Fletcher resulted in the loss 
of the right leg above the knee, and that of Lieut. Gould finally terminated 
his life, although he lived several years to suffer continual pain, but he was 
not physically incapacitated for business until a few weeks before his death. 
A Post of the Grand Army of the Republic, and a branch of the Woman's 
Relief Corps, located in Arlington, bear his name. A portrait of him, presented 
to the Post by myself, adorns the wall of Memorial Hall, and another, pre- 
sented by his daughter, hangs in the Lodge Room of the Relief Corps. 

We were relieved from the outpost on the following day, and upon report* 
ing at the Picket Reserve, we were besieged by comrades for the particulars I 
have here narrated. The Regiment was relieved that afternoon, and upon 
reaching camp, I was informed that myself and those at the outpost with me 
had been allowed a double ration of whiskey and the next morning we found 
ourselves excused from all guard and picket duty for the period of ten da}rs. 
I felt deeply grateful to the comrades who were with me on that perilous night , 
and who so unflinchingly maintained a position of extreme danger, where, in 
the event of an attack by pickets or a rebel scouting party, or by a general 
advance of the enemy, death was certain. My comrades knew that we occu- 
pied an exposed position, and, dispensing with the consoling pipe, and the 
solace of hot coffee, they passed uncomplainingly through a tedious night, 
that was none the less fatiguing and exhaustive because an expected attack 
was not realized. The following is copied from a letter to my mother descrip< 
tive of this painful episode : — 

Neab Richmond, Monday, June 16th, 1862. 
Dear Mother: — 

I received yours of the 10th, yesterday, and was glad to hear from you. I am still 
enjoying good health which is a soldier's best blessing. We have had no more fighting 
to do yet, but have moved our camp to a point nearly opposite, and on the other side of 
the Williamsburg road. The preparations for the next battle are progressing, but, like 
you, I hope we shall have no more fighting to do. It is very interesting to read, in the 
papers, of glorious victories, brilliant bayonet charges, and splendid fighting, but the 
reality is a very different thing. I do not wish, and have never wished to be in battle, 
and to hear a man say he is anxious to have a fight, is a sure sign that he is a coward, 
and that he will be likely to run at the first fire of the enemy. I am glad that you are 
beginning to feel more hopeful, and I trust that before many months, I sheJl again be 
homeward bound. Tell my friend Leavitt, that I am thankful for his kind wishes, and 
that I shall endeavor to do my duty in the next battle. 


On Friday, we went on picket for the first time since leaving Yorktown. In con- 
nection with this, I have sad news for Mrs. Ellis. Suel (her son) is dead. On Saturday 
morning, Lieut. Gould was ordered by the Major of the Third Maine Regiment, who was 
in command of our picket, to take four of his men, and scout a short distance beyond the 
Outpost where I was stationed, and of which I had command. Suel was one of the men 
who volunteered, and he met his death not far from my Station. Lieut. Gould was 
ordered to go 300 yards beyond me, but he might have gone some farther. When he 
and his companions were slowly returning through the thick woods, a volley was fired 
at them and two fell, Suel Ellis and Ezra Thompson. Lieut. Gould returned to the Out- 
post alone and then reported to Major Burt, who ordered him to take his company and 
recover the bodies of his men. They could not find the bodies, but were again fired at 
by two cavalrymen. The body of Ellis was brought in that night and buried with those 
who fell in the late battle. He was shot in the head just imder the ear. Ezra was not 
found, and it is supposed that he was wounded, taken prisoner, and died. Lieut. Gould 
will write to Mrs. Ellis and tell her the circumstances. We have lost two good men, but 
Suel's death will not be so painful to his parents when they remember that he died in a 
good cause, and has freely given his life for his country and for freedom everywhere. 

Battle of Oak Grove. 

On Saturday, June 21st, we received new uniforms, but not before they 
were needed, for the labors and exposures of the campaign had sadly demoral- 
ized the clothing we wore when we left Alexandria. We were glad to ex- 
change the soiled and tattered garments for the clean light blue trousers and 
dark blue blouses. We continued to work upon the intrenchments with pick 
and shovel, and the rebels seemed disposed to allow us to proceed without 
disturbance. They made very few attempts to interfere with our operations, 
and when they sheUed our working parties but httle damage resulted. Quiet- 
ness prevailed for several days until Wednesday, June 25th, at which date 
there began what have since been known as the " Seven Days' Battles." On 
the above date, Gen. Heintzelman was ordered to advance his pickets. We 
supposed it was a movement preliminary to a general attack upon Richmond, 
and our Division was enthusiastic and on the alert. The enemy stubbornly 
resisted our attempts to dislodge them, but they were finally driven back half 
a mile, and repulsed several times when they endeavored to regain the ground 
they had lost. The engagement lasted two hours and the combatants on each 
side were entirely composed of Infantry, because the fighting took place in the 
swamp and under cover of dense woods. Against fierce attacks we held the 
ground we had gained at a cost of about five himdred men killed and wounded 
belonging entirely to Kearny's and Hooker's Divisions. Gen. McClellan 
telegraphed to Washington that the movement was successful and that 
" Kearny's pickets are now just where I want them to be." This engagement 
was called the Battle of Oak Grove, and was the first of the many sanguinary 
struggles during the week that followed. Telegraphing the next day to the 
Secretary of War, Gen. McClellan said, "The affair of yesterday was perfectly 
successful. We hold the new picket line undisturbed. All things very quiet. 
I would prefer more noise." There was noise enough the next day, and every 
day for a week, and then there was a respite. 

In his oflGicial report of this Oak Grove engagement, however. Gen. 
McClellan does not explain why he ordered the advance of our pickets, or in 
what way it was beneficial. Considered as the beginning of the long contem- 
plated movement against Richmond, it might have been advantageous to 


have the left wing of our army nearer the objective point, but it P""**^ ,, 
have for its object the weakening of the rebel left wing, where Gen. McOleu 
proposed to make an attack on the following day. It failed, ^"^^^^''j^i 
accomplish such a purpose, for no rebel troops were withdrawn from the re 
left to reinforce the rebel right that Gen. Heintzehnan attacked. In fa<rt, ^°^ 
rebels had designed to attack McClellan's right wing the nert day, and thus it 
happened that the opposing Grenerals were each contemplating *** *^*, 
upon the same day. Mcaellan informed the Secretary of War that be 
expected an attack, and he waited for it instead of taking the initiative. 1 e 
Battle of Mechanicsville was begun that day, June 26th, by the enemy, and 
on our side it was fought by the troops of Gen. Porter. We heard the heavy 
cannonade and knew that a battle was in progress, and we wondered at our 
own inactivity and why we did not advance towards Richmond. Hadan 
attack been made along the entire line of battle, the result might have been 
different. We lost the Battle of Mechanicsville because Gen. Porter was not 
reinforced, and for the same reason we lost the Battle of Gaines' Mills on the 
following day, and then began the retreat to James River. 

In his report of the battle of Oak Grove, Gen. Bimey said, " I take pleasure 
in speaking of the high state of discipline manifested by the 40th N. Y. Vol- 

We listened to the battle all through that day, and from the direction of 
the sound we knew that the battlefield was farther distant from Richmond, 
and consequently that we must have sustained a defeat on the previous day. 
But that night the military bands, which had been silent for weeks, began to 
play, and there was cheering aU along our Une as if we had won a great vic- 
tory. We believed this, and the enthusiasm was unbounded. We were sure 
now that the rebels had been defeated on the right of our army, ten miles dis- 
tant, and we were equally sure that there would be fighting for us on the fol- 
lowing day. Saturday came and we still tarried in camp, and not until Sun- 
day did orders come to move. We yet believed that we were to advance 
upon Richmond, but not long after we had started, we changed direction 
and retired to Savage Station. From there we found no obstacle to oppose 
our march until we reached Jourdan's Ford, where we became hotly engaged 
for a short time. We now reaUzed the character of the movement, and after 
the rebels had been repulsed we withdrew to Brackett's Ford, crossed White 
Oak Swamp Creek, and continued on. While we were thus occupied there 
occurred an engagement at Savage Station, from which our troops retreated 
leaving the dead and wounded and about 3000 of our sick in the hospitals. 
We continued our march through a paH of the night and bivouacked near 
Charles City Road. Pickets were estabUshed by Major Ingalls, acting as 
Field OflScer of the Day, and not satisfied with posting the sentinels, he later, 
during the night, insisted upon visiting them to be sure that they were on 
guard and performing their duty. And it was a wise precaution, for there 
was abundant reason to beUeve that the foewas near. But the Major had not 
proceeded far along the picket Une before a rifle ball shattered his right leg 
and he fell to the ground a victim to the nervous excitement of a raw recruit. 
Major Ingalls had been shot by an inexperienced member of the 101st New 
York Regiment, who ohallengeid and fired without waiting for any response. 
This regiment had recently been assigned to our Brigade. It did not leave 


Lieut. Thomas S. Rider was bom in Jamaica, Long Island, N. Y., in the year 
1842, and received his education there at Union Hall Academy. He is the son of John 
J. Rider, wliose parents emigrated from Holland. 

Previous to the Civil War, Lieut. Rider was employed as a clerk in a dry goods 
store, and after the war he was associated with his father, who was a contractor until 
1883, when he entered the service of the Pinkerton Detective Agency, with which 
noted business institution he is still connected. 


In 1897 he was married to the daughter of Mr. John Hensler, who served during 
the Civil War in the 158th New York Regiment. 

Lieut. Rider resides in Jamaica, where he is an honored citizen. He is a member 
and Past Commander of Post 368 G. A. R., Dept. of New York, and served as Aide-de- 
Camp on the Staff of the Commander-in-Chief, and of the Regimental Association, in 
the affairs of which he has always been interested. 


the State until March, or only two months pre'vious to its arrival at the front. 
It came to us from the intrenchments in Washington without having Been a 
rebel or discharged a musket. One of the penalties of placing inexperienced 
troops on the picket line, during an exciting campaign, was the wounding and 
subsequent death of Major Ingalls, who was imnecessarily sacrificed by the 
blunderer who was responsible for sending raw troops to guard a position so 
dangerous as to demand the selection of the most trusty and experienced sol- 
diers. The Sergeant who accompanied Major Ingalls upon his tour of duty 
that night called for assistance, and the wounded officer was conveyed to the 

At about this time the pickets were withdrawn and, arousing the exhausted 
troops, we continued our retreat. There was no Surgeon within call to dress 
the wound of Major Ingalls, and no ambulance available, consequently he 
was placed on a stretcher, upon which several blankets were spread, and thus 
he was conveyed to Malvern Hill, where, on Tuesday, the limb was amputated 
about half the distance between knee and hip. An ambulance then conveyed 
the wounded officer to Harrison's Landing, where he was placed on the 
steamer John Brooks. 



While Major Ingallswas en route.his wound yet undressed, we fought the 
Battle of Glendale, or New Market Road, which was one of the most hotly 
contested engagements of the Seven Dajrs' Battles. The attack was made at 
about four o'clock p.m. June 30th. Our brigade line of battle extended a 
mile from Charles Qty Road. Thompson's Battery faced a clearing with 
slightly sloping land in front. The rebels repeatedly advanced and were 
repulsed by an effective Infantry and Artillery fire. They were Uterally 
mown down, but realizing the importance of victory at this point the enemy 
continued their fierce assaults. Immense masses of rebel troops took the 
places of their fallen comrades until it seemed as if no more fresh troops could 
be available. And this continued for three hours or more until darkness 
terminated the carnage. During all of these fierce engagements the conduct 
of the Mozarters on the march and under fire had won the unqualified com- 
mendation of all the generals imder whom they had served. They were 
universal favorites and were praised by Commanders for their intelligence, 
discipline and bravery. In his official report of the Battle of Glendale, 
Gen. Kearny thus referred to our brigade: "The cheerful manner and solid 
look of Birney's Brigade gave assurance of their readiness to be measured 
with the foe, and they met my warning of the coming storm with loud cheers 
of exultation. The coolness and judicious arrangements of Gen. Bimey 
influenced his whole command to feel invincible in a very weak position." 
The following is also quoted from the same report: — 

At the close of the Battle of Glendale, we remamed in bivouac until midnight, when 
orders came to effect a retreat. This move was again effected quietly and rapidly. By 
dawn, we were in a new and stronger position. It was toward noon when the battle was 
again renewed — the Battle of Malvern Hill. In this battle, while all our regiments 
were on the alert and under artillery fire, and all lost more or less from the enemy's 
shelling and grape shot, none but our artillery and skirmishers were immediately en- 
gaged. The first line was held by Gen. Bimey, with coolness and firmness, and the regi- 
ments erected for thenuelves, even under fire, well arranged rifle pits. 

Berkeley, July 2d, 1862. 

Battle of Malvern Hill. 

When the enemy had acknowledged defeat by retiring, we hurried on, 
not even waiting for hot coffee. In fact, but few had food of any kind or 
coffee. We had been under arms six days and no rations had reached us. 
Our ammunition, likewise, was nearly exhausted, and we expected another 
desperate engagement on the following day. There was no time for rest or 
sleep, and we plodded on until morning, which brought us near our next 
battle ground, Malvern Hill, which was well adapted for defense. The 
Union Army was concentrated in a very strong position in the form of a 




semi-circle with the artillery commanding our entire front. The attack did 
not begin until afternoon, and it commenced with a terrific artillery duel that 
continued nearly two hours and fairly caused the earth to tremble and the 
air to reverberate with the painful concussion. In this tremendous cannon- 
ade, the trees were robbed of their foliage, leaves and twigs falling in all 
directions. The combined thimder of both armies is hardly conceivable, and 
the furious cannonade did not terminate until the rebel generals realized 
that nothing had been accomplished. Then immense columns of infantry 
were massed and hurled against our barricade. The assailants were repulsed 
many times with dreadful slaughter, but their fruitless assaults were repeated 
with the same fearful consequences. In solid columns they advanced in 
perfect recklessness, but we were not ready to believe what the prisoners told 
us, to explain their desperation, viz. : — that they had been dosed with a 
combination of whiskey and gunpowder, which crazed them and made them 
reckless. The Union Infantry supported the Artillery with rebel projectiles 
passing over our heads or bursting above us upon their destructive mission. 
Leaden bullets that day made but little havoc in our ranks, but many of our 
comrades were Idlled or wounded from the bursting shells which shrieked 
above and around us and hurled missiles of death into our ranks as we lay on 
the grovmd awaiting the opportunity to repulse any attack that made the 
use of buUets or bayonets available. Our regimental losses that afternoon 
were 5 killed and 11 wounded. Company H sustained the largest nimiber of 
casualties. Fred Gleissman and Thomas Thompson were killed, and three, 
Sawyer, Jost, and myself, were wounded. I have always believed that the 
piece of shell that ended the Ufe of Gleissman spent itself against the heel of 
my left shoe, as I lay face downward. It first tore open the breast of Gleiss- 
man and fractured his shoulder, then glanced to my shoe, tearing it open and 
bruising the ligament attached to the heel. As I raised myself to a sitting 
posture, I saw the iron fragment that had spent itself- against my ruined 
army brogan, and while yet warm, I thrust it into my pocket, and since then 
I have never been separated from it without knowing that it was safely 
located. This interesting souvenir weighs 4J ounces, and is pictured actual 
size, on the next page. 

I regarded the woimd at that time as slight and hardly worthy of atten- 
tion, and I remained on the field untU after the battle ended, and we were 
ordered to withdraw, when I found walking so diflicult that I was glad to be 
placed in a jolting army wagon on its way to Harrison's Landing, where we 
arrived at early dawn, July 2d. I was then carried on board the steamer 
John Brooks, where the handkerchief I had wrapped around my foot was 
removed and the wound was dressed for the first time, and where I was told 
by the surgeon that I might be a cripple for life, and that if the missile had 
struck the instep instead of the heel, amputation of the foot would have 
been necessary. While he was securing the torn cuticle in position and 
appljring a soothing emollient, I called for food, which was quickly brought 
and consumed before the kind-hearted doctor had finished applying the 
bandage. He advised me to sleep, to which my exhausted body speedily 
yielded. The last I remembered < night was about a poor fellow on the 
next mattress to mine who was suffering with lockjaw. When I awoke, our 
steamer had just arrived at Annapolis, Md., where the Naval Academy had 


been transformed into a hospital. I heard the booming of cannon, and was 
told that they were celebrating the Fourth of July. I then realized that I 
had slept nearly thirty-six hours. Exhausted nature demanded it and no 
one interfered. As I was conveyed from the steamer on a stretcher, I caught 
sight of Major Ingalls on another cot and we exchanged greetings with a smile 
and nod of the head. We had been passengers together without knowing it. 
My wound kept me in the hospital six months, and I could have served out 
my enlistment there, but I demanded to be sent to the Regiment or to be 
discharged. The wound had healed, but the pesky ligament had shghtly 
contracted and was still sore. Ever since then, it has been troublesome, but 
nevertheless, I have much to be grateful for. When we shall have traced the 
Regiment to its next winter encampment, I shall have more to say about 
Major Ingalls as well as myself. 

At Habhison's Landing. 

The Regiment participated in quite a skirmish that occurred July 2d, at 
Turkey Bend, or Gimi Rock Swamp, as it was called, without the loss, how- 
ever, of any Mozarters, but how we escaped is a vaysbeTy, for myriads of 
bullets whistled about us and shells burst over our heads in great niunber. 
The Army reached Harrison's Landing the same day, and Gren. McClellan sent 
the following telegram to President Lincoln: — 

Hon. Abraham Lincoln, Pbebident op the United States : — 

I have succeeded in getting this army to this place on the banks of the James River. 
An hour ago, the rear of the wagon train was within a mile of camp. As usual, we bad a 
severe battle yesterday, and beat the enemy badly, the men fighting even better than 
before. We fell back to this position during the night and morning. Officers and men 
thoroughly worn out by fighting every day and marching every night for a week. They 
are in good spirits, and after a little rest will fight better than ever. If not attacked 
during this day, I will have the men ready to repulse the enemy to-morrow. Our losses 
have been very heavy, for we have fought every day since last Tuesday. I have not 
yielded an inch of ground unnecessarily, but have retired to prevent the superior force 
of the enemy from cutting me off, and to take a different base of operations. 


Up to this time, Gen. McClellan had been the idol of his army, and he was 
called the Second Napoleon. Popular enthusiasm had placed him upon the 
highest military pedestal and just because he had succeeded in a single 
fortunate battle. The soldiers he commanded believed in him, and trusted 
him, and wished for no other Conunander. The unfavorable criticisms which 
had appeared in the newspapers found no response in their hearts. But now 
they began to distrust him and his military sldll. He boasted that he had 
"saved his army," when in fact the army had not allowed itself to be de- 
stroyed either by Gen. Lee or by Gen. McClellan. It was true that the change 
of base was a successful movement, but what made it necessary? Actually, 
it was the miUtary incapacity of the Conunanding General, which really pro- 
longed the war and added thousands to the roll of death. The great body of 
McClellan 's Army were generally intelligent and well educated men, and when 
they found their mission unaccomplished, and that all of their sufferings and 
hardships had been endured without beneficial results, they began to reason 
and to inquire what had caused their failure. And it was not a sufficient 


answer to their queries to say that Gen. McClellan had "saved his army." 
He had not accomplished what had been contemplated, and there was a 
cause. Gen. McClellan said he needed more men, but the men in the ranks 
believed that the army was competent to capture Richmond had there been 
celerity instead of delay. Reasoning thus, they concluded that their retire- 
ment from in front of the rebel capital was attributable to the indecision of 
their Commander, and they began to waver in their fealty and faith in his 
competency. Later, they were not sorry for his removal, although they met 
severe defeats under other commanders, whose blunders were inexcusable. 

The casualties in our Brigade during the Seven Days' Battles were 248 in 
killed, wounded and missing, of which the Mozarters sustained a loss of 102, 
or more than any other two regiments in the Brigade, which now was com- 
posed of five regiments instead of four. On the day after the Battle of 
Malvern HiU, Gen. McClellan telegraphed to Adjt. Gen. Thomas at Wash- 
ington, as follows: — 

Haxall's Plantation, July 2d, 1862. 
My whole army is here, with all its guns and material. The battle of yesterdiay was 
very severe, but the enemy was repulsed and severely punished. After dark, the troops 
retired to this position. My men are completely exhausted, and I dread the result if we 
are attacked to-day by fresh troops. If possible I shall retire to-night to Harrison's 
Bar, where the gunboats can render more aid in covering our position. I hope that the 
enemy was so severely handled, yesterday as to render him careful in his movements 
to-day. I now pray for time. My men have proved themselves the equals of any 
troops in the world, but they are worn out. Our losses have been very great. I doubt 
whether more severe battles have ever been fought. We have failed to win only because 
overpowered by superior numbers. 

The following is from the OflScial Report of Gen. Bimey about the 
behavior of his troops: "No praise is too great for the men who passed 
through the seven days of continuous battle, enduring fatigue and hunger 
without a murmur and successfully repelling every attack made upon them. 
They were always in the place where they were needed, and they proved 
themselves equal to every task they encountered. " 

There was one redeeming quality in the leadership of Gen. McClellan. 
He never failed to praise his troops, and the above eulogy was as much 
deserved as it was generously bestowed. And again, two days later, on the 
anniversary of the nation's birth, he issued an address to his soldiers that was 
noted for its praise of what they had accomplished. A copy of this remark- 
able proclamation follows. 

Headquabtebs, Aemt or the Potomac, 

Camp Neab Harbison's Landing, Va., 

July 4th, 1862. 
Soldiers op the Abmt op the Potomac : — 

Your achievements of the last te|i days have illustrated the valor and endurance of 
the American soldier. Attacked by vastly superior forces, and without hope of reen- 
forcements, you have succeeded in changing your base of operations by a flank move- 
ment, always regarded as the most hazardous of military expedients. You have saved 
all your material, all your trains, and all your guns, except a few lost in battle, taking 
in return guns and colors from the enemy. Upon your march you have been assailed 
day after day with desperate fury by men of the same race and nation skilfully massed 
and led; and under every disadvantage of numbers, and necessarily of position also, you 
have in every conflict beaten back your foes with enormous slaughter. 


Your conduct ranks you among the celebrated armies of history. No one will now 
question that each of you may always say with pride, " I belonged to the Army of the 

You have reached this new base complete in organization and um'mpaired in spirit. 
The enemy may at any moment attack you. We are prepared to receive them. I have 
personally established your lines. Let them come, and we will convert their repulse 
into a final defeat. Your Government is strengthening you with the resources of a 
great people. 

On this our nation's birthday, we declare to oiu' foes, who are rebels against the 
best interests of mankind, that this army shall enter the capital of their Confederacy; 
that our National Constitution shall prevail, and that the Union, which can alone insiue 
internal peace and external security to each State, must and shall be preserved, cost 
what it may in time, treasure and blood. 


Next to Gen. McClellan in the popular affection of the troops was Gen. 
Kearny, who always greeted them cordially on the battlefield or elsewhere, 
and in such a manner as to convey the impression that he had taken them 
into his confidence. A notable occasion when he displayed this spirit of 
comradeship, was at the Battle of Fair Oaks. While we were waiting for 
orders. Gen. Kearny rode up directly in front of our line and, halting, raised 
his sword and shouted, "Wait, my brave Mozarters, 111 soon have you in it, 
for there's lots of good fighting all along the line, " which utterance inspired a 
poem by a noted author, entitled "Kearny at Seven Pines." It was a 
pleasure to serve under such a Commander, and we were always proud to say 
that we belonged to Kearny's Division. He was one of us, and was always 
visible and where we were. He could always be seen, even on the firing line, 
and was constantly directing his troops in person and placing himself and his 
aids in peril from the position in which he chose to watch the contest and to 
issue his orders. Under date of July 7th he issued an address that was but 
another sample of comradeship as expressed in praises of what had been 


The army had been in its new location only one week when the conunand 
of all the land forces was assigned to Maj. Gen. Henry W. HaUeck, who thus 
superseded Gen. McClellan. At about this time there was general despond- 
ency throughout the loyal States, but the Army of the Potomac was still as 
determined and courageous as when it began the Siege of Yorktown. The 
rank and file retained the same indomitable and resolute spirit and believed 
in ultimate victory. The army was still a formidable force, and nothing 
could exceed its determination or its admirable steadiness and cohesion. 
But its Commander was still demanding reenforcements, asking even for 
50,000 additional troops before the army had been encamped a week at its 
new base. President Lincoln promptly informed him that "the idea of 
sending you 50,000, or any other considerable force, is simply absurd. " 

On Tuesday, July 8th, President Lincoln visited the Army and proceeded 
to review the troops. As he rode along the lines he was greeted by each 
division with a salute of artillery and the vociferous cheers of the men. 
Coming to the trenches, he dismounted and, ascending the parapets of the 
newest fortification, briefly addressed the soldiers. He said he had come to 
see for himself and to know the situation of affairs, and that he should go back 
satisfied. It was said they had been whipped. It is not so, and never would 
be. He knew the men he saw around him would prove equal to the task 
before them, and never give up without going into Richmond. He had been 
unable to sleep from anxiety, but after what he had seen and heard he should 
go back to Washington satisfied that it is all right with the Army of the 

Immediately after the return of President Lincoln to Washington a dis- 
cussion began about future operations. Gen. Halleck visited Gen. McClellan 
"to ascertain his views and wishes." He found that Gen. McClellan pre- 
ferred to continue his campaign against Richmond and to remain where he 
was encamped until reenforcements could be sent him and then to advance 
against the rebel capital. Gen. Keyes, Conunander of the 4th Corps, had 
previously advised that the Army be withdrawn to the neighborhood of 
Washington into healthy camps. The Medical Director had reported: 

The chief causes of disease prevailing are want of proper food, exposure to the 
malaria of swamps, the inclemencies of the weather, excessive fa,tigue and want of nat- 
ural rest, combined with great excitement of several days' duration and the exhaustion 
consequent thereon. I recommend that an abundance of fresh vegetables, shelter, rest, 
with a moderate amount of exercise, be given all the troops; that the troops be pro- 
vided with tents, or other shelter to protect them from the sun and rain, which shall be 
raised daily and struck once a week, and placed over new ground once a week; that the 
men be required to cut pine tops, spread them thickly in their tents, and not sleep on 
the ground. 



After reading the above from the highest medical authority, who can 
doubt the wisdom of what I have previously said about the necessity for 
sheltering the army in tents adequate for their protection from the weather? 
But notwithstanding the advice of the Medical Director, no effort was made 
to comply with the suggestions he had offered, and Gen. McClellan preferred 
to wait for more troops, although he was aware that reinforcements could 
not be sent him to the extent that he had demanded. On July 14th he 
reported 88,665 men present for duty, 38,250 absent and 16,619 sick. The 
great niunber sick was attributable to the causes enumerated by the Medical 
Director, and Gen. McClellan reported that if he could get his absentees back 
and his sick men up, he would need but few reenforcements. It was impos- 
sible for the sick to recover amid the fever-laden, miasmatic Virginia swamps, 
and the absentees who were away from the Army without cause might either 
have been summoned to report forthwith or they might have been dismissed 
from the Army. One half of the absentees, at least, were away without a 
good excuse and ought not to have been allowed leave of absence dming an 
active campaign that required the fuU numerical strength of the Army. 

Battle op Chanthxt. 

The controversy between Gen. McQellan and Gen. Halleck, who repre- 
sented the views of President Lincoln, continued until early in August, when 
Gen. McClellan was ordered to withdraw his entire Army from the Peninsula 
and effect a junction with Gten. Pope, who had command of the "Army of 
Vir^nia," which was then protecting Washington and at the same time was 
menacing Fredericksburg. This decision was based upon the fact that it 
was impossible to reenforce Gen. McClellan immediately and that it would 
prove disastrous to the health of the troops if they remained inactive amid 
the swamps along the James River during the fiercely hot months of August 
and September. And besides, the concentration of the forces ia Virginia 
seemed to be an actual necessity, for Gen. Lee had already seized the oppor- 
timity that the retreat to Harrison's Landing had offered to him, and had 
begun offensive operations against Gen. Banks at Cedar Mountain who was 
attacked Aug. 9th, and defeated. It was not, however, until Aug. 15th, 
that Gen. McClellan began to withdraw his army from the James. Our 
Corps was the first to move, and Bimey's Brigade was ordered to advance 
and seize Jones' Bridge across the Chickahominy and hold it until the entire 
army had broken camp at Harrison's Landing. On the 16th we reached 
BarhamsviUe, and on the 17th we entered WiUiamsburg, where we united 
with the main body of the army. Our Division marched in advance to 
Yorktown and commenced to embark on the 20th for Aquia Creek, where 
orders were received to continue on up the Potomac to Alexandria, where 
we arrived on the 22d. It was a great relief to find ourselves free from the 
sufferings incident to our stay of six weeks on the James River, where we 
encountered torrid heat, rain, flies and vermin. We were glad to abandon 
the scene of such trials, but the march down the Peninsula was fraught 
with regretful reminiscences. From Alexandria, our Corps was conveyed by 
rail to Warrenton, where the main body arrived Aug. 23d. Three days later, 
we were at Warrenton Junction. 


While the Army of the Potomac was leaving the James River, Gen. Lee 
was advancing to the Potomac River. The enemy was attempting a flank 
movement, and it was designed for us to attack the rebel army before its 
marching columns could unite. The Corps of McDowell and Sigel were 
assigned to confront the column that was advancing to join Jackson, and the 
Corps of Gten. Reno, reenforced by Kearny's Division, were to act in support 
of the movement. On the march, near Greenwich, there was a sharp engage- 
ment between Hooker's and Early's Divisions. Early retreated and appeared 
at Manassas Junction. Gen. Kearny was ordered there with oiu* Division, a 
distance of twelve nules, and we arrived there at noon Aug. 28th, to find 
that the enemy had again fled. Thence we were ordered to Centreville with 
the Division of Hooker, and Reno's Corps. The main force had intercepted 
Jackson near Groveton, where a conflict was at once precipitated. Jackson 
attacked and the loss was severe on both sides, the rebel Gen. Ewell sustaining 
the loss of a leg. We remained at Centreville, and on the morning of the 
next day, the forces there were ordered to coimtermarch. The enemy had 
reached Bull Run, and an attack was made upon his position. Our force 
from Centreville arrived on the field just before noon, but previous to this 
time, Longstreet had reenforced Jackson, and the whole rebel army was ia 
supporting distance. When Gen. Pope arrived on the field, our Division and 
Hooker's were on the right, and he ordered Hooker to make an assault with- 
out knowing of Longstreet's arrival. Hooker was repulsed after a desperate 
struggle and then Kearny was ordered to Hooker's assistance. But the 
conflict was an unequal one and another repulse followed. After losing this 
battle, our retreat continued imtU we took position near Centreville, where 
we remained Aug. 31st. The following reference to the service of the 
Mozarters at BuU Run appeared in the report of Gen. Kearny: — "The 40th 
New York Volunteers, imder the brave Col. Egan, suffered the most." 
Gen. Robinson spoke of us as follows: — 

General Bimey turned over to me his Fortieth New York Regiment. These troops 
were deployed to the right and left of the railroad, and pushed forward. Our men now 
gained steadily on the enemy, and drove him before them until he brought up fresh 
masses of troops. Then, with ammunition nearly expended, we withdrew to our second 
position. Our loss waa severe, embracing some of our best officers. 

My t>in.nfca are due to Col. Egan, Fortieth New York Volunteers, for valuable ser- 

The next day found us at Chantilly, where at early evening, during a 
fierce thimder storm, Jackson attacked the Union Une. During the battle 
that ensued Gen. Stevens was killed, and his division was forced back from 
the line of battle because its ammimition was exhausted. Our Brigade was 
ordered to the front, but there was still an opening on the right, which was 
reported to Gien. Kearny. He rode to the extreme front to examine the line, 
and unconsciously passed within the rebel skirmish line. Suspecting, 
through the smoke and gathering darkness, that the soldiers who confronted 
him were rebels, he asked whose regiment they belonged to, and when they 
replied, "The 10th Gteorgia," he instantly wheeled his horse and, crouching 
forward upon the saddle, spurred the animal forward, but the Georgians were 
too quick for him, and a rifle bullet pierced his abdomen and ended his life. 


His body and horse were delivered to us the next morning under a flag of 
truce with a letter from Gen Lee. 

Since the above was written, another version of this sad event has been 
related by Col. Graves, who was then serving upon Gen. Kearny's Stafi, and 
who received the last order given by that brilliant officer. His account of 
the incident follows, and is entirely authentic. 

The Death of Genebal Philip Keabnt. 

I was Aide de Camp to General Kearny, and accompanied him during the Battle of 
Chantilly, when he rode on in advance of his Division to see the position occupied by 
the troops of General Stevens whom we were to relieve or reenforce. We rode along 
the line, and Gen. Kearny sent oS one staff ofiScer after another with orders, until I was 
the only one left with him. We finally arrived at the right of Stevens' line, where a 
battery was shelling the opposite woods. The General ordered me to ride at a gaUop, 
back to General Foe, commanding one of om: Brigades, and order him to "double- 
quick" his brigade to that point and go into line. I did so, and returned as quickly as 
possible to the Battery. The rain was falling fast and darkness was coming on. I 
inquired of the Battery men which way General Kearny went, and they repUed, point- 
ing down to the right and front, " that way. " " My God, " was my exclamation, " we 
have no troops there, he has ridden right into the enemy's lines." And so it proved. 
Wishing to know the nature of the ground and whether the woods were occupied or not, 
he rode with his usual bravery, to his death, as we learned from the Confederates, who 
next day brought in his body imder a flag of truce. The General rode up to a whole 
company of the enemy, paid no attention to their demand that he surrender, wheeled 
his horse and started back. The whole company fired a volley, but only one bullet 
struck him; that entered his hip as he lay low along the horse, and came out at the 
shoulder. And so fell the most picturesque and gallant soldier that it was my fortune 
to meet during the war. 

The following is from the last report Gen. Kearny signed. It has reference 
to the Battles of Groveton and BuU Run. "My division lost about 900 men. 
About 600 or 700 killed and wounded and 200 stragglers. My division is 
extremely reduced. It never has had a recruit." 

We held the field imtil nearly daylight and then retired to Fairfax Court 
House, after which we marched to Alexandria and encamped near Fort Lyon 
on the following day, from which Gen. Bimey dated his report of the Battle 
of Chantilly. The following is an extract: — 

I reported my brigade and was ordered to the front. On reaching that point, I 
immediately ordered forward the 4th Maine Regiment, and it gallantly advanced and 
was soon in active conflict. I successively took forward the 101st New York and 3d 
Maine, 40th New York and 1st New York. These regiments held the enemy and sus- 
tained unflinchingly the most murderous fire from a superior force. The 40lii held the 
enemy in check until our line could be reestablished, and it received my highest praise. 

On the next day an order relative to Gen. Kearny's death was promulgated 
and read to each regiment simultaneously, directing the officers to wear 
crape on the left arm for 30 daj^, and that the colors and drums be placed in 
mourning for 60 days. 

The following is from the report of Gen. Pope. "The Fortieth New York 
Regiment rendered the most distinguished and gallant service under my 
command, in the battles of Bull Run and Chantilly." 

Gen. Birney succeeded permanently to the command of the Division, 
which in the recent encounters sustained such immense losses. Our regi- 



mental losses in the battles of Groveton, BuU Run and ChantiUy, and the 
several skirmishes in which we participated, were 147 killed and wounded. 
Our Company sustained a loss of 2 killed and 9 wounded. The killed were 
Sergt. John B. Wiley and Corpl. James F. Burns. The wounded were Lieut. 
Gould, Sergt. Durgin, Sergt. Fletcher, Corpl. Hanna, Privates Booth, Jackson, 
Meehan, McCarthy and McLean. Lieut. Gould was badly wounded in the 
knee and he was not able to return to the Regiment, la fact, the wound was 
fatal although he lived a dozen years, but the autopsy disclosed that the 
buUet was embedded in his knee, and could not have been extracted. It had 
not encysted and caused death by blood poisoning. Sergt. Fletcher and 
Private Booth each lost a leg, but the others recovered and returned to the 
Regiment. Our loss through this disastrous Pope's Campaign was larger than 
that of any other regiment in the Brigade, which had been augmented by the 
assignment of the 1st New York and the 47th Pennsylvania Regiments, both 
of which remained with us. 

Immediately after the Battle of Fair Oaks, and the promotion of Lieut. 
Col. Egan, Capt. Gesner of Company D was promoted to Lieutenant Colonel. 
This advancement belonged to Major Ingalls as the next in line, and what 
influences operated to prevent his promotion I have never been able to ascer- 
tain. Lieut. Col. Gesner served in his new relationship during the Seven 
Days' Battles, but at Harrison's Landing, soon after the Battle of Malvern 
HiU, he was assigned to command the 101st New York Regiment, temporarily. 
The Mozart Regiment was thus deprived of the services of a Lieutenant 
Colonel during the Pope campaign, and Company H was still more unfortu- 
nate, because it had no Commissioned Officer on duty, except Lieut. Gould, 
as Capt. Fitzgerald was serving with Company G, and Lieut. Vanderpool was 
wounded and in hospital. The death of Major Ingalls in August created 
another vacancy, and Capt. Lindsey of Company G, who had been acting as 
Major, was promoted to that rank. 


When we reached Alexandria, we were within the fortifications of Wash- 
ington. Col. Ward of the 38th New York Re^ment had succeeded to the 
command of our Brigade, which had been greatly decimated by the terrible 
experiences through which it had passed. And what was true of the Mozart- 
ers was true of the entire Third Corps. Instead of 15,000 rank and file, it now 
had a total of scarcely 3000 effectives. We encamped Sept. 3d in the vicinity 
of Fort Lyon, in the construction of which we had participated when en- 
camped the previous year at Camp Sackett. We remained there about two 
weeks for rest and recuperation, and on Sept. 6th, we received by consolida- 
tion, 274 members from the 87th New York Regiment, which then ceased to 
exist, not from any fault of men or officers, but from expediency. The Regi- 
ment had been greatly reduced by its losses in battle, and it was necessary to 
unite the weak regiments. The 87th Regiment was organized in Brookljm 
late in 1861, and was mustered into the United States Service for three years, 
and left the State December 2d, 1861. It was assigned to Gen. Casey's Divi- 
sion until the Peninsula Campaign, when it was transferred to Gren. Kearny's 
Division. It participated in all of the battles with Kearny's Division, and 
lost during its service, previous to consolidation, 20 killed, 98 wounded, and 64 
missing, making a total of 182. These accessories became Mozarters at once, 
and did much to bring the Regiment up to its previous efficiency, and to main- 
tain the brilliant record the Mozart Regiment had achieved. The names of 
those transferred wUl be found in the Roster at the end of this volume. 

At about this time, Sept. 6th, 1862, Gen. Pope resigned, and Gen. McClellan 
resumed command of the Army of the Potomac by order of President Lin- 
coln. General George Stoneman, of cavalry fame, was assigned to command 
the Third Corps, Gien. Heintzelman having been placed in command of the 
defenses of Washington. Immediately after the defeat and retirement of 
Gen. Pope, the rebel chieftain, Gen. Lee, began a campaign of invasion, and 
crossed the Potomac River near Leesburg, into Maryland, and advanced to 
the vicinity of Frederick. As soon as the Confederate intention was divined. 
Gen. McClellan moved towards Frederick also, but before the Union advance 
arrived there, it was discovered that Gen. Lee had marched in the direction 
of Harper's Ferry. The Confederates were overtaken and a desperate con- 
ffict occurred Sept. 14th, at South Mountain. At Sharpsburg, on the 17th, 
occurred the Battle of Antietam, which was the most sanguinary day of the 

In consequence of the reduced condition of the Third Corps, we had been 
retained at our Alexandria encampment in defense of Washington. But on 
Sept. 15th, we were again ordered to march, and two days later found us on 
the banks of the Monocacy River, still guarding Washington, and Baltimore 



as well. It was thus that we escaped the Battle of Antietam, but while it was 
progressing, and during the days that followed, the Mozart Regiment made 
several raids across the river into Virginia. On the 4th of October, there 
occurred quite a skirmish at Conrad's Ferry between a rebel force and the 
Mozarters alone, tmder command of Col. Egan, which was entirely successful. 
The enemy were forced to retreat and so hastily that the personal baggage of 
Gen. Hill fell into our possession. The following is from the report of this 
incident by Gen. Ward, dated Oct. 9th. "On the 4th instant. Col. Egan of 
the 40th New York made a reconnoissance over the river and captured one 
caisson complete, with ammunition, harness, etc., about 15 head of cattle, 
3 horses and some baggage belonging to Gen. Hill's command. I have 
ordered the cattle to be killed and distributed among the different regiments 
in my command. I should like to be directed as to the caisson, harness and 

Immediately after this event, we were stationed at White's Ford to pro- 
tect the new culvert and bridge just completed. The 99th Pennsylvania 
Regiment was with us, and Col. Egan was in command of the entire force. 

Having faUed to accomplish his purpose. Gen. Lee began his retreat into 
Virginia, but halted at Winchester, while his Cavalry leader, Gen. Stuart, 
started upon a raid into Pennsylvania. In the pursuit and attempt to cap- 
ture the raiders, the Mozarters supported a cavalry force and made a long and 
tiresome march, but failed to intercept the enemy. Col. Egan's report 

Headquarters Fortieth New York Vols. 

Near White's Ford, Md., Oct. 19, 1862. 
General : — I beg leave to submit the following report of myself and command 
on Sunday the 12th instant. On that day my command was greatly exhausted by 
their long march of 45 miles (the command had been scouting on the other side of the 
river in support of a cavalry force) the day previous, and their change of camp from the 
mouth of the Monocacy. 

On Sunday morning, I was encamped In the woods near Conrad's Ferry, and had 
received no orders whatever, nor any intimation of the nearness of the enemy. Never- 
theless, having heard of their approach, at about 10 A.M., I formed my command 
promptly, without orders, and set out for the river at Conrad's Ferry. At about 11 a.m. 
I received orders from Gen. Stoneman to march my command at once to the Monocacy. 
I started at "double-quick" and kept that pace, going along the towpath to White's 
Ford, and then crossed the canal, to gain the hill and command the ford. But it was 
too late, for the enemy was out of our reach. Immediately receiving the news of the 
approach of the enemy, I despatched a messenger to Gen. Stoneman 's headquarters for 
orders, but received none, and finally started without them, as I have stated. 

Very Respectfully, 

Yoiu: Obt. Servant, 

Gen. McClellan made no attempt to follow the retreating Gen. Lee and the 
rebel army. He seemed contented and satisfied to remain inactive. Presi- 
dent Lincoln visited the army early in October, and after returning to Wash- 
ington, he ordered Gen. McClellan to advance and attack the enemy. Accord- 
ing to his custom, Gen. McClellan urged many pretexts for delay, and so the 
army did not move, and the Nation, as well as the President, grew impatient 
and indignant, until finally an order was issued reheving him from duty and 
appointing Gen. Burnside as his successor. 


This retirement of Gen. McClellan under a cloud, was expected when he 
refused to follow Gen. Lee after he had defeated him at Antietam, and destroy 
the rebel army, as might easily have been done had the requisite determina- 
tion been available. Gen. McClellan had rightfully been called " The Great 
American Hesitator," and the only regret that accompanied his removal was 
that it was inopportune, because it should have been done sooner. He imme- 
diately began preparations for his departure and issued the following farewell 
address to the army : — 

Headquastebs Abmt op the Potomac, 

November 7th, 1862. 
Opficees and Soldiebs of the Abmy of the Potomac : — 

An order of the President devolves upon Maj. Gen. Bumside the command of this 
army. In parting from you, I cannot express the love and gratitude I bestr to you. As 
an army, you have grown up under my care. In you I have never found doubt or cold- 
ness. The battles you have fought under my command will proudly live in our Nation's 
history. The glory you have achieved, our mutual perils and fatigues, the graves of 
our comrades fallen in battle and by disease, the broken forms of those whom wounds 
and sickness have disabled — the strongest associations which can exist among men, 
unite us still by an indissoluble tie. We shall ever be comrades in supporting the Con- 
stitution of our Country and the Nationality of our people. 

GEORGE B. McClellan, 

Major General U. S. Army. 



General Buhnside entered upon his newly assumed duties without delay 
He had conducted a successful expedition to North Carolina, and had been 
summoned with the Ninth Corps to the assistance of Gen. Pope. He was 
with the advance of the army in Virginia, when the order assigning him to 
the highest command was received. He advanced the army to Warrenton 
and waited nearly a fortnight to concentrate. He then reorganized the army 
into three "Grand Divisions," each comprising two Army Corps. The 
Right Grand Division was composed of the Second and Ninth Corps, and 
was conunanded by Gen. Sumner. The Center Grand Division was com- 
posed of the Third and Fifth Corps, and was commanded by Gen. Hooker. 
The Left Grand Division was composed of the 1st and 6th Corps, and was 
commanded by Gren. Franklin. 

Gen. Bumside decided to advance upon Richmond by way of Fredericks- 
burg, and change his base of supplies to the Rappahannock River. This 
movement began Nov. 15th, and two days later the Right Grand Division 
reached Fahnouth, opposite Fredericksburg, a few miles distant. Here the 
army began preparations for winter and erected huts of logs, rails, boards, 
or any materials that could be obtained. Gen. Birney had been assigned to 
the permanent command of our Division, and Gen. Ward had command of 
the Brigade. 

It had been designed by Gen. Burnside to cross the river at once and 
occupy Fredericksburg before the enemy could reach there and prepare for its 
defense, but the pontoon train was delayed and did not arrive for several 
days, and then the rebel army had arrived and was ready to oppose the pas- 
sage of the river, which was undertaken in the early morning hours of Dec. 
11th, by the launching of boats and the construction of bridges, two of which 
were completed at some distance below the town, but those opposite the town 
were not finished until several regiments had crossed in boats and assailed the 
rebel position, from which a constant musketry fire had interfered with our 
operations. The rebel sharpshooters were compelled to abandon their posi- 
tion, and the bridges were then completed. During the night the troops of 
Gen. Sumner crossed the river in front of the town, and Gen. Franklin crossed 
with his two Corps below the town. The disposition of the troops occupied 
the following day, and the next morning, Dec. 13th, which was Saturday, the 
attack began. The story of the battle that followed is best told in the report 

by Gen. Ward as follows : — 

Camp Neah Fbedericksbtjeg, Va. 

December 15th, 1862. 
Under orders from Gen. Bimey, my brigade crossed the Rappahannock on Satur- 
day, Dec. 13th, about 11 a.m. On arriving at the grovmd on the left of our position, the 
brigade was formed in two lines, in rear of two lines of our troops in front. I then 



received instructions to support the troops in front, on their advancing to attack the 
enemy. During the time of formation, and for some time after, the troops sustained s 
heavy fire from the Confederate batteries. In consequence of the severity of the fire, 
the brigade was ordered to take position in the field to the rear. 

The brigade had scarcely formed in the rear, when I again received orders to advance 
to the front. In the meantime the troops and those on the right had advanced in 
force to the right to attack the enemy's position. After entering the woods, about ten 
minutes elapsed, when they came pouring forth in great disorder and conftision. I was 
now directed by Gen. Bimey to take two regiments and repulse the enemy, who were 
following with great rapidity our retreating forces. I immediately advanced with the 
38th and 40th New York in line of battle, meeting our troops in fiill retreat. Their 
officers, instead of attempting to rally them, endeavored to create a panic among my 
troops, holding up their hands and exclaiming, " Go backt go back I" Still the gallant 
38th and 40th advanced. The enemy was now within 300 yards of ovx batteries. We 
were now re-enforced by the 4th Maine. The three regiments rushed forward with 
great impetuosity, under a terrific fire from the enemy, who were partially hid behind 
a ditch. The enemy was soon forced to give way. As they left their hiding place, our 
men pursued, shouting and charging, until another ditch was encountered. The rebels, 
now in great disorder, scrambled over the second ditch, our troops still pvirsuing until 
we arrived at the railroad, where the enemy was in full force behind the embankment. 
Here our troops received a severe check, losing over 300 out of 800 in less than five 
minutes. Still the men went onward, large numbers crossing the railroad and driving 
the enemy from their position behind the embankment. And now, from the rifle pits 
on the hill above, a deadly volley was poured into our ranks from an immense force. 

With about 350 men (my whole effective force) I was now compelled to retire or 
rem^n captive in the hands of the enemy. On retiring, I brought with me some 200 
of the enemy as prisoners of war. Many of them were taken in consequence of their 
being tmable to escape the impetuosity of our charge, and others were taken beyond the 
railroad from their rifle pits. 

The enemy having now retired to their works, the brigade was relieved by Robin- 
son's brigade which had come to our assistance. The brigade thus remained in posi- 
tion, alternating with Robinson's brigade, relieving each other at the front, imtil 
Monday evening, the 15th instant, when we again recrossed the Rappahannock and 
occupied our old camp. I would call the attention of the General Commanding the 
Division to the fact that the regiments were mere skeletons, varying from 200 to 350 
men. Many of the regiments lost more than one-third of their effective force. 

Of the old regiments of the brigade, viz., the 3Sth and 40th New York and the 3d 
and 4th Maine Regiments, It would be superfluous to say a word. Their efficiency, 
bravery and devotion have become proverbial. I can only say that they have added 
another to their brilUant achievements. 

J. H. HOBAKT WARD, Brigadier General. 

The repulse of the army at Fredericksburg proved extremely disastrous. 
The action was decisive, but with many thousands of our dead and wounded 
upon the bloody field where they had fallen, Gen. Bumside determined to 
renew the assault on the following day, and only desisted when his Generals 
urgently entreated him to abandon the attempt and withdraw our shattered 
army. The Battle of Fredericksburg should not have been fought after the 
plan of the campaign had been frustrated by the tardy pontoons. Gten. 
Burnside continued his operations and sacrificed his army rather than bear 
the reproach of having failed to prosecute his original intentions. In conse- 
quence, his name is now associated with the carnage that was entirely unneces- 
sary. Our regimental losses in killed, wounded, and captured or missing was 
123, which included 19 killed, among whom were three oflScers, viz. : — Capt. 
O'Sullivan of Company K, whose body was never recovered, Capt. Horn of 
Company D, and Lieut. Stevens of Company A. More than one-half of the 
casualties in this battle, in our Division, were sustained by our Brigade, and, 


as usual, the Mozarters lost more in killed, woimded, and captured than any 
other regiment in the Brigade. 

It was a terrible retribution to bear the responsibility for the useless 
slaughter of 15,000 men, but that fate befell Gen. Burnside. A month later, 
in midwinter. Gen. Burnside conceived another scheme, by which he hoped 
to overwhelm the rebel army and capture Fredericksburg. He proposed to 
secretly cross the river above the town, but when the movement had begun 
and while the army was en route, a furious storm rendered the roads 
impassable. After a wearisome and exhaustive tramp, which was called 
" Burnside 's Mud March," the army again returned to its winter quarters 
at Falmouth. 

Gen. Burnside 's usefulness as Commander of the Army of the Potomac 
was now at an end. His Corps Commanders represented to President Lin- 
coln that they had lost confidence in Gen. Burnside's ability and he attempted 
to remove them from the army, but the President persuaded him to relin- 
quish the command and he consented to be " reUeved at his own request. " 

Gen. Hooker succeeded to the conunand of the army, and while he is 
reorganizing his forces let us return to the Hospital in Annapolis where we 
left Maj. Ingalls and myself upon our arrival there after the Peninsula Cam- 
paign. Maj. Ingalls was immediately given the most devoted attention, and 
his wound soon began to show signs of healing. I was placed under treat- 
ment for a rheumatic affection Oumbago) and resultant heart disturbance, 
while my wounded heel likewise received the care it required, and in three 
weeks I was able to limp about the room in which I was quartered. My 
roomLmate was a Pennsylvanian, and he had been shot through the almost 
exact center of the chest. The bullet passed entirely through and emerged 
from beneath the right shoulder blade. He was not expected to recover, but 
he returned to duty in less than a month after he was wounded. 

Upon my first attempt to hobble out, I sought the bedside of Maj. Ingalls, 
and found him in good spirits and determined to continue his army career. 
His Commission as Major had arrived that same morning, and as I sat beside 
him and applied the icy bandages to his terrible wound, he spoke of his plans 
and told me how easy it would be for him to remain in the army with an 
artificial limb because now he would be mounted. I visited him every day, 
and sat with him several hours ministering to his wound and hstening to his 
hopeful conversation about the war and the part he was yet to bear in the 
contest. He many times spoke of Company H and how highly he esteemed 
the men in its ranks. As for mj^elf, he said, "You shall have a Commission, 
Fred, as soon as we return to the army," and this he often repeated with 
assurances that I need make no further effort to enter a Maine Regiment. 

Late in July, Maj. Ingalls received an official communication from Arling- 
ton which afforded him much comfort and gratification. It happened to 
arrive when I was present, and he requested me to read the document aloud. 
Upon immaculate parchment, a Preamble and Resolutions were beautifully 
engrossed. The preamble stated that at a Town Meeting held in ArUngton 
July 22d the Resolves were unanimously adopted by the meeting. They 
expressed sympathy and gratitude. 

As the days passed, I gained strength and was speedily benefited by the 
relaxation from the terrible strain through which we had passed. And then 


with good food and refreshing Bleep, the physical powers regained their 
healthful sway, and I began to be conscious of renewed vigor. But while I 
was experiencing this animation, the condition of Maj. Ingalls became less 
encouraging. He weakened constantly, and although his wound presented 
every appearance of healthful progress, there was an internal derangement 
that the Hospital Surgeons did not understand. They soon concluded that 
his recovery was doubtful, but their patient was yet ignorant of his real peril, 
and several days passed before he was informed of his danger. He received 
the intelligence of his condition without any apparent alarm, and he talked 
with me, as hopefully as on former occasions, of the bright future that awaited 
his recovery. I did not share his expectations and discerned the dread fate 
that seemed to be approaching. I counseled him to heed the warning of the 
surgeon, and suggested that it might benefit him if Mrs. Ingalls were present 
to care for him and minister to his necessities. He feared to alarm her, 
however, and it was not until his condition indicated a fatal termination that 
Mrs. Ingalls was informed of the situation. She hurried to him accompanied 
by his brother-in-law, Mr. Rodney Wallace, of Fitchburg. The arrival of Mrs. 
Ingalls preceded the death of her husband only a few hours. A brother of 
the Major, Mr. Herbert Ingalls, who is now residing in Boston, but who then 
was a resident of Washington, was present at the death of his brother, who 
realized that he could not recover. Conscious of his fate, Major Ingalls was 
resigned to it, and with his hand clasped in that of his devoted wife, he peace- 
fully closed his eyes in eternal sleep. I knew of his condition but did not 
anticipate such an early termination of the struggle, and at night, while I 
slept, the fatal moment arrived. 

The autopsy disclosed that the bullet which had caused the death of Maj. 
Ingalls was deflected upward and had lodged in the abdomen, where its 
location was unsuspected. Thus terminated the life of a true patriot and a 
brave soldier. Had the misfortvme that prematurely ended the life of Maj. 
Ingalls, not overtaken him, I am sure that he would have continued to dis- 
tinguish himself as a soldier, and have advanced to high command in the army. 

The body was conveyed to Massachusetts and the obsequies were held in 
ArUngton and were witnessed by a large concourse of citizens anxious to 
honor the memory of the heroic dead, who had marched forth from the town 
to suffer and die for the preservation of the Nation. 

It is hardly necessary for me to state that I was much affected by the 
death of Maj. Ingalls. I had found him to be a good friend and a man who 
could at all times be trusted to exemplify the Golden Rule. He thought well 
of a faithful soldier and respected ^im as a man worthy of his friendship. He 
had voluntarily promoted me twice, and he was pledged to secure for me a 
promotion from Sergeant to Lieutenant, which honor he believed me worthy 
of receiving. But now his Ups were forever sealed and could not intercede 
for me as had been intended. 

I maintained a correspondence with Lieut. Gould, Sergt. Durgin, and 
others, and they advised me that great changes had taken place and that only 
those could hope for Commissions who had friends in Albany to plead for 
them. I determined, however, to return to the Regiment, and actually 
appUed for transportation to Surgeon Getty, who was in command of the 
Hospital. After a physical examination, instead of sending me back to the 


army, he detailed me for duty as clerk in his office, where several convalescent 
soldiers were constantly employed in conducting the official correspondence, 
writing reports and promulgating the Orders that were issued. I did not 
accept the appointment until I had been convinced that it would be impos- 
sible for me to march long distances, and that my return to the front would 
not at that time be permitted I was still walking with a cane, but I imagined 
it could be dispensed with. Dr. Getty said no, and I became resigned to the 
inevitable, but not vmtil my application for a furlough had been rejected for 
the reason that my foot needed skillful treatment and that its restoration 
might be endangered by the activities incident to home life. 

Through the visitations of the Chaplain, Rev. H. C. Henries, to my bedside 
I had become very well acquainted with him. He was from Maine and was 
a Methodist clergyman, consequently we found no difficulty in fraternizing, 
and we soon had learned to esteem each other very highly. His duties were 
arduous, for there were more than 2000 patients in the hospital, and besides 
ministering to them, he held religious services regularly. He had also estab- 
lished a reading room and stocked it with books, newspapers, and magazines 
he had sohcited from his friends and the pubUc, Prayer meetings were often 
held in the reading room, and through the day, convalescents visited the 
room to read and to communicate with their relatives through the Librarian, 
who assumed the duty of writing for those who were disabled or who from any 
other cause could not use a pen. On Sunday, the Chaplain held rehgious 
services upon the Campus, where there were settees, chairs, and stools for a 
large audience. He was an eloquent preacher and always attracted a large 
assemblage, which included many of the prominent and wealthy citizens of 
Annapolis, who contributed hberally to supply the tables of woimded Army 
officers with delicacies and the luxuries of the season. The rooms were 
constantly suppUed with fresh flowers by them, and from their orchards and 
gardens abundant supplies of peaches, pears, plums, and berries came daily 
to the hospital. 

As late as July 24th, I wrote to my mother, "Major Ingalls is getting 
along finely." At that date he was contemplating a furlough home to 
recuperate and prepare for future army service, but, as I have already related, 
he was summoned to his eternal home. My diary at this time mentions 
that I dined with Chaplain Henries and his family at the parsonage. I par- 
took of some excellent home-cooked food, which I had not tasted for many 
months. Comrade Mead of Michigan, the Ubrarian, who was my roommate, 
and Comrade Sawyer of New York, were also invited to share the hospitality 
of the Chaplain, who with his amiable wife and accompUshed daughters, 
endeavored to make our visit to their home a happy occasion. The evening 
was passed in relating army experiences, general conversation, and singing to 
piano accompaniment by one of the young ladies. The Chaplain had 
learned to rely upon his three assistant chaplains, as he called us, and we 
often aided him in conducting the meetings. He frequently detailed us to 
call upon those he could not visit and who needed advice or rehgious consols^ 
tion. We frequently found our suffering comrades discouraged, homesick, 
and impatient for their wounds to heal or anxious to receive a furlough. 
They were often doomed to disappointment, and it was our duty to cheer them 
and encourage them and cause them to feel resigned to their condition. 


Late in July, a large tent was spread for religious services and for shelter 
ftom sun and rain at all times. It was likewise used by convalescents, some 
of whom slept there to derive benefit from open-air respiration. 

I found my work in the surgeon's office very congenial, and while it gave 
me increased pay, it also afforded me better food and a seat at a more private 
table, where excellent food, including hot biscuits and butter, was daily 
served. Upon entering the dining room for the first time, I was delighted to 
find that the chef for our mess was a Mozarter, Ck>mrade Phinney of Com- 
pany G. He prepared palatable dishes and contrived to save from the rations 
what was exchangeable for cash, which he used to purchase butter, eggs, milk, 
and other articles imknown to Army subsistence. That Ed. Phinney was a 
good cook was never disputed, and he did not stint those who relied upon 
him to cater to their appetites. One day in early November, however, we 
parted with our chef, who had been discharged from the army. We did not 
allow him to depart, however, without a token of our good will. Someone 
proposed a present, and when the cap had been passed aroimd the table on 
the last morning of his service, it was found to contain nearly twenty dollars, 
which were handed to Comrade Phinney, who wept his thanks instead of 
speaking them from his lips. I have not seen or heard from him since 
that day. 

Among the clerical duties assigned to me was that of keeping the 
Hospital Register, in which I recorded the names of all patients who arrived, 
together with the discharges, deaths, and the return of convalescents to their 
regiments. Soldiers were constantly coming and going, and it was my duty 
to make the entries in the register, from daUy sUps upon which the nurses 
reported whatever changes occurred within their jurisdiction. The nurses 
were exclusively confined to enlisted men who had been disabled at the 
front and who were imfit for duty in the field. 

There were excellent facihties here for salt water bathing, as Annapolis is 
located on the Severn River, not far above its entrance into Chesapeake Bay. 
After I sufficiently recovered to obtain the surgeon's permission, it was my 
practice to rise early every morning at daylight, and join Comrade Mead in a 
plunge from the wharf into the briny, and we enjoyed it exceedingly. 

We were constantly receiving accessions of sick soldiers, and my diary 
mentions that a full steamer load of 600 arrived Aug. 14th. They came from 
Gen. McCleUan's army just as he was marching back to Yorktown from 
Harrison's Landing. We had the requisite number of vacant beds for them, 
and I immediately began to register them by name, regiment, rank, nature 
of sickness, etc. A few were wounded, but they were generally suffering 
from miasma, exposure, and swamp fever. I found no Mozarters among 

On the 28th of August I was ordered to Washington in charge of some 
enlisted men who were returning to their re^ments. I delivered them to the 
Military Commander at the Soldiers' Rest, and remained there myself until 
the next day, when I returned to the Hospital. 

The clerical work in the office where I was on duty was superintended by 
Hospital Steward Henry Fenton, who was one of the most genial and good- 
natured men it was my good fortune ever to meet. He tired of the life there 
and decided to return to the more active duties at the front. He was univer- 


sally esteemed, and upon the occasion of his departure his friends tendered 
him a gold watch as a token of their respect. The presentation was made 
by Corpl. Ambrose E. Sawyer of the 13th New York Regiment, and a full ' 
report of the incident, including the speech verbatim, was written by myself 
and forwarded to the New York Times, with which I had regularly corre- 
sponded. The article appeared entire in that paper under date of Sept. 1, 
1861, and other papers copied it quite extensively. Steward Fenton received 
a Commission in some regiment, and in a few weeks after he had bidden us 
adieu the report came to Dr. Getty that he had been killed in battle. 

About the middle of September several thousand paroled prisoners 
arrived, and those who were well were consigned to Camp Parole that had 
been established outside of the hospital grounds, but distant about two 
miles. The most of these men were in a very destitute condition, and some 
of them were hatless and shoeless, with no clothing to cover them except a 
shirt and pair of drawers. About 300 of them were very sick and were 
received into the hospital as patients. The mortality was large, and no day 
passed without its list of deaths which often numbered a score, and sometimes 

On Sept. 25th I was detailed as Military Storekeeper and at once took 
charge of all the hospital supplies, including medicines, drugs, wines and 
other liquors. Ever3rthuig needed in the hospital was supplied through my 
office and with my approval upon requisitions from the surgeons in attend- 
ance. The supplies were ordered from Washington, and the invoices some- 
times represented a value of $20,000. The work of storing the property was 
performed by enlisted men, several of whoila constantly acted under my 
direction. The valuable medicines and liquors were stored in a separate 
building where my office was located, and where they were under my close 
supervision and were not accessible to any one but myself. Thus there was 
no opportunity to misuse or to pilfer from the Government what came 
within my control that was specially tempting to many individuals. Large 
quantities of wine, brandy, whiskey, and quinine were consiuned, and they 
were the most expensive articles, quinine at that time costing $4.32 per 
oimce. I employed not less than fifty "contrabands" to wash the bed- 
clothing, which was performed in a separate building. AU sick-room supphes 
were obtained through my office upon orders from the nurses, who receipted 
to me for whatever they obtained and who were credited with whatever was 

I had also in stock an immense quantity of clothing, and every soldier at 
the hospital received a full new outfit of clothing as soon as he had sufficiently 
recovered to wear it. Nearly all had lost all they had, and especially those 
from the Army of the Potomac. The soldier's statement of loss was accepted, 
and no charge was made for new uniforms. The care of all this property 
involved considerable labor, but my duties were entirely clerical and I found 
my time fuUy occupied in keeping the accounts and the books of record, which 
for my own protection, as well as that of the Government, were deemed to be 

Large invoices frequently came from the Sanitary Commission, consisting 
principally of wines and delicacies for the sick, although bedclothing, shirts, 
and drawers were often included in the invoices. There were thirty army 


teams within the jurisdiction of Military Commander Staunton, and these 
wagons were constantly employed in carting supplies to the hospital and to 
Camp Parole, where, after the Pope and Antietam Campaigns, there were at 
one time about a dozen Mozarters, among whom were Comrades Cobb and 
Ernst of my own Company. They called upon me several times, and I 
entertained them with such hospitality as the hospital rules allowed. I saw 
Ernst never again after he was exchanged and released from parole, for he 
was among the killed at Gettysburg. 

A glance at my diary informs me that I lost all I had during the Seven 
Days' Fight, except my haversack, canteen, and tin dipper, and adds further- 
more, "Oh, the bean soup I have eaten from that dipper, and the coffee I 
have drunk from it. " It was a precious relic, but alas, it mysteriously dis- 
appeared from where I had given it a place of honor, with the canteen, upon 
the wall of my sleeping room. I would give much for those souvenirs now, 
and I have never ceased to lament their enigmatical "taking off." 


In early October President Lincoln startled the world by his Eman- 
cipation Proclamation, about which I wrote a communication that was 
published in the New York Times. 

My roommates at the hospital, Corporals Mead and Sawyer, were good 
singers and both played the flute. Sometimes one would play and then the 
other, while the remaining two would sing. I played no instrument except 
the piano and organ, but we had neither of these in our room. Occasionally 
I called at the Chaplain's residence for practice and sought to regain the pro- 
ficiency I had lost while serving at the front. We enjoyed our seasons of song 
festival, we three, and the hours we passed in our comfortable room, which, 
for the time being, was our home, and we improved every opportunity to 
enjoy this feature of our hospital existence. 

Another Surgeon, Dr. T. A. McParlin, had come to us early in October to 
relieve Dr. Getty, who desired more active employment. The old order of 
hospital management continued under Dr. McParlin, who made a favorable 
impression at once when he declared that the clerks on extra duty were 
entitled to the best food and ordered a special kitchen to be established for 
our exclusive benefit. Thereafter our menu was more extensive and varied, 
the biU of fare including chickens, fish, and meats, which had not previously 
been supplied upon our table. 

I am reminded by my diary that on Nov. 2d I received 600 uniforms to 
be gratuitously distributed to those who lost their clothing through the 
casualties of war. As I was one of the victims, I furnished myself with a full 
uniform, including underclothing, shoes, and stockings. There were many 
others in the same predicament, and the entire allotment was soon exhausted. 

November brought us cooler weather, and the Chaplain began to plan for 
winter services. The large canvas pavilion on the campus was stiU used for 
Sunday services, and a brother of Surg. Gen. Hammond preached an eloquent 
sermon to us beneath it, on Simday, Nov. 2d, but the air was rather cool for 
outside public meetings. The chapel building was in use for patients, but 
Chaplain Henries made application for its restoration to the use for which it 
was designed. We had a slight fall of snow in mid-November, in conse- 
quence of which. Dr. McParlin ordered that the Chapel be vacated and turned 
over to the Chaplain, after beds had been found for the patients in other 
buildings and they had been transferred. This was soon accomplished, after 
which, the interior of the chapel was repainted and the pews restored. A ten- 
stop pipe organ with sub-bass occupied the gallery, and when tuned, it was 
found to be an excellent instrument. A choir of mixed voices was organized, 
the Chaplain's daughters and several private nurses furnishing the soprano 
and contralto voices. I was invited to officiate as organist and Corpl. Sawyer 



to act as chorister. We soon had a choir of twenty voices that was capable 
of producing church music in an acceptable manner. 

Our new kitchen for the clerks (11 of us) was in operation in a short time 
after it was authorized, and our table service was greatly improved. Our 
Thanksgiving dinner was a grand feast, the bill of fare consisting of roast 
turkey, plum pudding, and the usual dishes served on that day. My diary 
makes no mention of the religious services held on that day, but I remember 
that the Chapel was crowded and that there were present many ladies who 
had come to the hospital to pass the festival with relatives and friends who 
were patients. The fame of our choir had spread through the town, and our 
services that day attracted quite a delegation of citizens. That evening I 
accepted the hospitality of Chaplain Henries and passed the evening with the 
family. On the last Sunday in November there was a baptism in the Chapel. 
A Christian Association had been previously formed, and as a result of the 
religious interest it inspired. Chaplain Henries baptized seven converts upon 
the occasion mentioned. 

The days now passed without excitement and monotonously, and I soon 
began to reaUze that my life was wasting. I was very pleasantly situated 
and had congenial associates. I held a responsible position and was trusted 
with full power to use and dispose of valuable medicines and merchandise 
without question or dictation, but I was not satisfied to remain where no 
mihtary advancement could be expected. I could probably have remained 
to the end of my enlistment and through the war, but I was conscious that my 
life was being squandered so far as my individual interests were involved. 
My discontent increased and I concluded that it would be preferable to sever 
my connection with the hospital and return to the regiment, which was then 
before Fredericksburg. I first informed Chaplain Henries of my intention, 
and he implored me to remain, saying that my departure would disrupt the 
choir, for no one was available who could play the organ, which he regarded 
as an attractive feature of his Sunday services. I determined, however, to 
adhere to my resolution and consulted Dr. McParlin. I argued that if I was 
in condition fit for active service, it was my duty to go to the front, and if 
otherwise, it was his duty to discharge me from the Army. Although my 
foot had not regained its strength, and has not even now after forty-five 
years, I was willing to test it in actual duty, but Dr. McParUn ordered an 
examination by Dr. Castle, who made an inspection, after which he reported 
that it would not be advisable for me to return to the army, and that in all 
probability I would never be able to march long distances. I then claimed 
that I was entitled to a discharge from the army, and two weeks later I was 
informed that my request for a discharge would be granted. It was now the 
middle of December, and the Chaplain had planned for a grand Christmas 
celebration. He begged me to remain and preside at the organ on that 
occasion, and I consented with the approval of Dr. McParlin. The Chapel 
was beautifully decorated with flags and bunting, and the choir was rehearsing 
a special musical progranune that promised to be quite entertaining, and so 
it proved, but an incident occurred just the day before Christmas that served 
to mar the happiness which prevailed among those who were most interested 
in decorating the Chapel. On the day mentioned. Dr. McParlin was sum- 
moned to Washington, and in the absence of an Army Officer an impertinent 


"Contract Doctor" whose name I cannot recall, was designated to have 
charge of the hospital during the absence of Dr. McParlin. It happened that 
a reunion took place within the grounds during the day Dr. McParlin was 
away, by two hundred or more veteran naval officers who had graduated 
there from the Naval Academy in former years. A large tent was used for 
the reunion, and while the decoration of the Chapel was in progress the 
meddlesome doctor aforesaid hurriedly rushed in and pulled some of the flags 
and bunting from the walls with which to decorate the dinner tent. I con- 
sidered it a desecration and could not see the arduous work of our hands 
destroyed without uttering a protest. Others present, and some of them 
ladies, remonstrated but without avail. The profanation continued, and in 
spite of aU objections the decorations were carried away. Not satisfied with 
this, when Dr. McParUn returned from Washington on Christmas night, he 
was informed of the incident by the offending doctor, who exaggerated and 
distorted the facts. The next morning I was summoned to a hearing and was 
confronted with a charge of insubordination. The particulars of the verbal 
battle in the Chapel were related and the Chaplain testified that the flags were 
his private property and that no one had any right to remove them from the 
Chapel. I disclaimed any disrespectful language and others present corrob- 
orated me. The hearing resulted in exonerating me and in a vigorous rebuke 
to the offensive doctor, who was reprimanded for his action and told that his 
contract would not be renewed. To redecorate the Chapel, a dozen interested 
persons labored until after midnight had ushered in the glad Christmas Day. 
The services proceeded according to the programme, and the audience, among 
which were several officers and citizens with their ladies, completely filled 
the Chapel. The musical programme eUcited favorable comment, and at the 
conclusion of the service a request was made for a repetition of the " Christ- 
mas Anthem " that opened the programme, and the entire audience remained 
to again hear the musical gem in which occurred a soprano solo that was 
admirably sung by Miss Addie Hermes, the Chaplain's accomplished daughter. 
Before the day passed my discharge papers came to me under date of Dec. 
27th, or exactly one year and a half from the date of my muster-in, which was 
on June 27th, 1861. My accounts had been examined and found to be correct. 
I then hastened to bid adieu to my roommates, the Chaplain and his family, 
my fellow clerks, to Dr. McParlin, who wished me future success, and to others 
to whom I had become attached. Train time came all too soon for me to say 
farewell to all, and the exigencies forced me to seem negligent of courtesy, 
and I was soon speeding to Washington. I had served exactly one-half the 
term of my enhstment, and during the journey I satisfied my heart that I had 
neglected no duty during my service and shirked no responsibiUty. Further- 
more, as I recalled my army Ufe, I could not reproach myseK with having 
used my authority to humiUate any one of my comrades in arms. Neither 
did I remember then, nor do I now recall any dispute or quarrel with any one 
of them during my service. In fact, personal confficts and acrimonious en- 
counters between individual Mozarters were imknown. There may have 
occurred some scrimmages, but none came under my observation. Army life 
with its continual apprehensions and the sensibility of mutual dependence 
disarmed any combativeness or propensity to quarrel and prevented the con- 
flicts that might have otherwise occurred. 


Upon my arrival- in Washington, it was too late to present my papers for 
settlement, and I registered at Willard's Hotel. The next morning, Saturday, 
I sought the pajrmaster and presented my papers, which were found to be 
correct, and I received what was due me ($212.14) for pay and imdrawn 
clothing, in time to take the train for home, where I arrived on Monday, after 
tarrying several hoiu-s on Sunday in New York for the transportation by 
steamer to which I was entitled. The nature of my welcome can well be 
imagined, and when my return was known about town I was besieged by 
visitors who called to offer their congratulations. 

Upon assuming command of the Army of the Potomac, Gen. Hooker began 
its reorganization. The "Grand Divisions" were aboUshed and Gen. Sickles 
was assigned to conunand the Third Corps. Gen. Bimey conmaanded our 
Division and Gen. Ward the Brigade, which consisted of the 20th Indiana, 3d 
and 4th Maine, 38th and 40th New York, and 99th Pennsylvania Regiments. 
When the weather was suitable, brigade and regimental drills kept us busy, 
but the winter was severe and much of the time we were confined to our huts 
by snow, rain, and mud. We were stiU wearing the red diamond upon our 
caps and were proud of it and what it signified. And it had acted as a re- 
straining influence in battle, for no one could stray from the ranks without 
being recognized, and when the red badge was seen it instantly revealed to 
what Division the soldier belonged. The value of this insignia, that had been 
adopted by Gen. Kearny, was observed by Gen. Hooker, who established the 
system throughout the Army, and a badge for each Corps was chosen, with 
white, red, and blue colors applicable, respectively, to the First, Second, 
and Third Divisions. To the Third Corps the diamond was assigned, and 
our Division retained the red diamond until the end of the war, even after 
the Third Corps had been merged with the Second, which had the clover 
leaf for a^badge. 

Through the remainder of the winter all sorts of schemes were devised to 
relieve the monotony of our dreary life. There were entertainments, which 
enlivened our spirits and, for the time being, caused us to forget our situation 
and its exigencies. Among the other f^tes, there was a marriage with dancing 
and a banquet, and later Gen. Sickles acted as host at a grand dance, for 
which his headquarters were well adapted within certain limitations, but this 
event was for officers exclusively, and it ended with a banquet, the viands 
for which were brought from Washington. Gen. Bimey, hkewise, provided 
a diversion for all, consisting of horse races with hilrdles, and any officer could 
enter. The amusement consisted, principally, of witnessing the falls of the 
riders, which were numerous. In the evening there were illuminations, fire- 
works, a minstrel show, and a collation at headquarters. 

Early in April, President and Mrs. Lincoln visited the Army, and reviews 
aad inspections followed for several days. Immediately after his return to 
Washington, an order was issued to reduce the regimental formations to five or 
s'x companies, according to numerical strength. Soon after this, a movement 
began that had for its object the defeat of Gen. Lee across the Rappahannock 
and an advance on Richmond. A large cavalry force, imder Gren. Stoneman, 
was ordered to cross the river and threaten the rear of the rebel army, but 
ssvere April storms interfered with this preliminary attempt, which was 
deferred, and it was late in April before a general advance was ordered. A 


feint was made to cross below Fredericksburg, in which our Corps bore an 
important part and then was ordered to march rapidly above, to participate 
in the movement against the enemy. We crossed on pontoons without oppo- 
sition, and it was evident that Gen. Lee had been outgeneraled. He quickly 
discovered, however, the real intent of Gen. Hooker, and began to transfer 
his forces by rapid marches to meet the advancing Union hosts. Gen. Hooker 
established his headquarters in the Chancellor House, and issued an order in 
which he expressed the conviction that the enemy had been surprised and 
would surely be defeated. The Union Army had established itself in a posi- 
tion where an attack seemed to be contemplated, but Gen. Hooker halted 
until the arrival of the enemy in front of him, and then retired from his ad- 
vanced position, where he awaited an attack. Finding that Gen. Hooker 
had retired. Gen. Lee pushed forward and concentrated in front of Hooker at 
ChancellorsviUe. Gen. Lee found the Union position too strong to attack in 
front and he determined upon a movement by Gen. Jackson against Hooker's 
right flank, which was entirely successful. Simultaneously, an attack was 
made upon the Union center in front. The battle raged imtil darkness ended 
the terrific slaughter, during which the Confederate leader, Gen. Jackson, was 
mortally wounded. 

The chief event in which our Brigade participated during the campaign 
was an attack by our entire Division on Saturday, at midnight. May 2d. The 
plan was to charge into the woods, which were supposed to shelter the rebels, 
and use the bayonet. Our Brigade was deployed in advance with other 
brigades following. We had been forbidden to reload our muskets after the 
first discharge. We were well within the woods before our advance was dis- 
covered, and then the struggle began, with the enemy intrenched. Some of 
the rebel rifle pits were captured without firing a musket, but other assailants 
were met with a terrific musketry fire, the suddenness of our attack confusing 
the enemy, and they fled from their intrenchments. The Mozarters had not 
to be urged, and they continued on, and advanced far beyond the other regi- 
ments of the Brigade, and as if to shield us, the moon became obscined and 
we went on, only to encounter a terrible fusillade of bullets, which seemed to 
come from all directions. The 4th Maine occupied vacated intrenchments 
after valorous fighting. The enemy had retreated and the fighting for that 
night ceased. The next day we learned of the death of Gen. Jackson, who, dur- 
ing this nocturnal attack, passed beyond his lines and was mortally wounded. 

After a few hours of sleep, the Brigade was summoned into Une, and with 
the Division, we retired to a new position, where our Corps occupied the first 
line. It was hardly daylight on Simday when another attack was made upon 
us. The battle that ensued was desperate and the resistance was equally 
furious. It continued until our ammunition was exhausted, and we then 
retired from the first line to the position held by the remainder of the Corps. 
Again our Corps sustained the chief assault, and again we were left without 
ammunition and without reonforcements. Gen. Hooker then ordered a re- 
treat to another position and the day ended. On the following day, Monday, 
Gen. Sedgwick, who had assaulted the rebels in rear, was attacked and de- 
feated while we, in front, were idle and listening to the cannonade, miles away. 
He defended himself until night, and then concluded to withdraw across the 
river, having been directed to retire if he considered it necessary. 


Thus relieved from the menace in the rear, Gen. Lee, on Monday, concen- 
trated his entire army against the Union position, and on Tuesday, May 4th, 
Gen. Hooker concluded to abandon the contest, and during the night the ret- 
rograde movement commenced, and before the morning of Wednesday 
dawned, the Union Army was safely across the river. Thus ended the Battle 
of Chancellorsville, after a loss exceeding 17,000 men in killed, wounded, and 

Our regimental casualties at Chancellorsville, in killed, wounded, and 
missing, were seventy, which was the largest loss sustained by any regiment 
in our Brigade, which then was commanded by Gen. Ward. The following 
are extracts from the official reports of the night attack, as previously 
related : — 

Fkom the Report op Gen. Sickles. 

It is difl&cult to do justice to the brilliant execution of this movement (midnight 
charge) by Gen. Bimey and his splendid command. Ward's Brigade formed the first 
line; Hayman's second, with pieces uncapped, and strict orders not to fire a musket 
until the Plank Road and earthworks were reached, the movement to be by the right of 
companies. On the left, a wide road led through the woods perpendicular to the Flank 
Road, on which the 40th New York, 17th Maine and 63d Pennsylvania regiments were 
pushed forward by column of companies at full distance. The night was very clear and 
still ; the moon, nearly full, threw enough light in the woods to facilitate the advance, 
and against a terrible fire of musketry and artillery, some twenty pieces of which the 
enemy had massed, the advance was successfully executed, the line of the Plank Road 
gained, and our breastworks reoccupied. I comra.end to the particular notice of the 
General-in-Chief, the high praise bestowed by Gen. Birney upon Col. Thomas W. Egan, 
Fortieth New York, for the energy and dash which he threw into the attack. 

Fbom the Repoet of Gen. Wabd. 

In the meantime, the 40th New York and 17th Maine regiments, advancing up the 
road on the left, recaptured two field pieces and five caissons from the enemy. The 
enemy were so completely surprised that they immediately fell back. 

The Battle of Chancellorsville was a great disappointment to the loyal 
people of the nation, who hailed the advance of Gen. Hooker across the 
Rappahannock as sure to result in the defeat of the rebel army and the cap- 
ture of Richmond. The battle was a disastrous defeat of the Union army, 
and Northern expectations were sadly unrealized. But the efficiency of our 
Army was not destroyed or seriously affected. It occupied its former posi- 
tion after retreating across the river without further loss of men or material. 
There was no appearance of demoralization or discouragement, and it was 
as ready to respond as if it was flushed with victory. It was Gen. Hooker 
who had been defeated at Chancellorsville, and not his army. 

Another catastrophe, but of a different character, now threatened Gen. 
Hooker, viz. : — the reduction of his army through the expiration of regi- 
mental terms of enlistment. The Mozart Regiment was the first New York 
regiment to be mustered in for three years. All previous enlistments were 
for two years, and thus it happened that many regiments were soon to be 
mustered out of the army. Among the New York regiments to be released 
were the 37th and 38th. They had been mustered into the army early in 
June, 1861, and consequently their term of service would soon terminate. 
They had each received recruits from New York, who had been mustered 


for three years. In addition, the 101st, which was a three years' regiment, 
had been consolidated with the 37th, in December, 1862, and the 55th, which 
was also a three years' regiment, was united to the 38th. The 101st Regiment 
did not leave the State until March, 1862, and did not join the Army of the 
Potomac until the following Jime, just after the Battle of Fair Oaks. From 
that time it participated in all the battles in which the Third Corps engaged 
until after the Battle of Fredericksburg. During that time, it lost by death 
an aggregate of 75 men. It was consolidated with the 37th on the 24th of 
December, while we were in winter quarters at Falmouth. 

On the following 29th of May, 1863, the 37th Regiment was transferred 
to the Mozart Regiment, in two companies. The Regiment was organized in 
New York C5ty and was mustered into the service of the United States for 
two years in June, 1861. From the 101st Regiment it gained a few more 
than 200 effective men who had enlisted for three years. Just previous to 
the expiration of the two years for which the regiment had erdisted, those then 
serving in the Regiment from the 101st, and the recruits sent to it from New 
York from time to time, were transferred, and the 37th ceased to exist. 
The Regiment had performed good service and had lost 52 men killed on the 
battlefield, and 26 mortally wounded, with an aggregate loss of 222, not 
including the casualties of the 101st before named. It participated in all 
the battles in which the Army of the Potomac had engaged up to the time of 
its disbandment, and with this experience, the transferred veterans were 
well prepared for the arduous service that befell them with the Mozarters, 
who welcomed them to their ranks. They numbered 238 men, and their 
names will be found in the Mozart Roster. 

We received another accession a few days subsequent to the disbandment 
of the 37th, when the three years' men of the 38th came to us. This Regiment, 
as previously stated, had been, during the preceding December, reenforced 
by the 55th, which had been greatly reduced in numbers. The 55th was 
originally composed principally of Frenchmen, and it was commanded by a 
Frenchman, Col. Regis de Trobriand, who was subsequently promoted to 
Brigadier General. It was mustered into the army in August, 1861, and 
during its service, it sustained a loss of 65 men by death. 

The 38th Regiment was first commanded by Col. J. H. Hobart Ward, 
who had served in the Mexican War. The Regiment began its service at the 
Battle of Bull Run in July, 1861, and there received its first baptism of blood 
with a loss of 19 men killed and 55 wounded. The Regiment served with 
great honor in the Army of the Potomac, and up to the time of its consolida- 
tion with the 40th, on June 3d, 1863, it had sustained a loss, not counting the 
losses of the 55th, of 60 men kUled in battle and 15 mortally wounded, with 
a total loss of 121, including the wounded and missing. 'Those who came 
to us were generally brave and thoroughly inured to field service. They 
were a valuable addition, and they gave tone and vitaUty to our weakened 
ranks. PreAdous to this event, Col. Ward had been promoted to Brigadier 
General. Those transferred numbered 387 men, and their names appear in 
the Mozart Roster. 

While the Union Army was thus being depleted, the rebel army was 
receiving reinforcements by means of conscriptions. Glen. Lee was greatly 
elated by his victories at Fredericksbiu-g and ChanceUorsville, and knowing 


that Gen. Hooker had been weakened by expirations of enlistments, and 
believing his victorious anny to be invincible, he determined to transfer 
the theater of war to Northern soil. In less than one month after the Battle 
of Chancellorsville, he was ready for the new venture. The movement 
began June 3d, but it was not imtil several days thereafter that Gen. Hooker 
was fully aware that the rebel army was marching northward. When Gen. 
Hooker comprehended the intention of his antagonist, he made immediate 
preparations to follow; and June 11th, Gen. Ward, who was in command of 
the Division, received the following order from Gen. Bimey who then com- 
manded the Corps. 

BoBCOBEL, Va., June 11th, 1863. 
General : — 

The General commanding directs that you hold your command in readiness to 
move precisely at one p.m., this day. Every vehicle of every kind and description, in 
excess of allowance of orders, to be turned in to the Quartermaster's Department with- 
out delay. Nothing but the prescribed allowance of wagons and ambulances will be 
permitted to march with the column. 

All surplus baggage and ever3rthjng likely to impede the march or movements of 
the troops, must be sent to the rear. You will require the officers of the Inspector 
General's Department to thoroughly and carefully inspect the baggage, ambulances, 
baggage wagons, etc., in your command, to make sure that the order is complied with, 
and if necessary to accomplish that end, your command will be drawn up in marching 

You will cause all persons not having a recognized position in this army, to be sent 
to the rear. Such persons will, under no circumstances, be permitted to remain with 
or to follow the Corps. 

Ambulances will follow brigades; wagons, the divisions. Orders as to stragglers 
will be strictly enforced. A staff officer from these headquarters will report to you at 
1 P.M., to lead your columns. Existing orders as to rations, etc., will be carried out. 
The pickets will be relieved by Major General Howard, and will follow promptly. 

Although it was not then known, Gen. Lee began this movement with an 
army the most perfect in arms, equipment and supplies, that had before 
existed. North or South, while the Union Army was smaller, numerically, 
than it had been at any previous time since its organization. And besides, 
it had been himiiUated, and although not dispirited by its defeats, its confi- 
dence in Gen. Hooker was not of that exalted character that inspires soldiers 
to achieve the best results. Excepting in its subsistence, the Confederate 
Army was superior to the Union Army, and in this particular, Gen. Lee was 
aware that he could rely for provisions upon the rich stores of grain and 
cattle that existed in the land to which he journeyed. Moreover, he designed 
to levy tribute upon the cities and towns which he might invade, and, undis- 
mayed by a deficient commissariat, he boldly set forth to conquer the Union 
Army and destroy the Federal Government. 

The Third Corps began the retrograde movement, and the long march 
to Gett5rsburg, where the rebel army was encountered, by way of interior 
routes that kept us between Washington and the enemy. Promptly at the 
hour mentioned in the official order, we broke camp and began our wearisome 
tramp that continued three weeks ^at a time of the year when the heat was 
severe. Some of the men sustained a sunstroke, and others were exhausted 
by the dust and the burden they carried, while a few were nearly suffocated, 
and received medical treatment. 


Our first day's march was from near Falmouth to Hartford Church and 
then to Bealeton on the following day. Passing Bristoe Station, we reached 
Manassas Junction on the afternoon of June 15th, and then followed a night 
march for our Brigade to Bull Run under command of Col. De Trobriand, 
who, since the 55th Regiment had been consolidated with the 40th, had been 
assigned as our Brigade Commander. After a day of rest, we marched to 
Centreville, where we encamped with the Division on the night of June 17th. 
Thence we again marched northward to Gumspring. While we tarried 
there for a few days, the rebel Generals Hill and Ewell crossed the Potomac 
River at Williamsport, and proceeded through the border of Maryland into 
Pennsylvania. Later the Corps of Longstreet crossed into Maryland at the 
same point, and then we started upon a forced march to the Monocacy 
River, crossing the Potomac at Edward's Ferry. We reached the mouth of 
the Monocacy thoroughly exhausted after 15 hours of continuous travel, 
and bivouacked in a violent rain storm, without shelter, and supperless. We 
were now on famiUar groimd, for we were near our encampments of the pre- 
vious September and the scenes of our raids and operations consequent upon 
the clash of armies at Antietam, which we fortimately escaped. We were 
now again in Maryland, and, June 26th, we continued our march to Point of 
Rocks. On the night of the following day, June 27th, we bivouacked at 
Middletown. From there our route lay to Frederick, where we received an 
ovation from the loyal population, who cheered us with flags flying and 
shouts of welcome. From there we continued to Woodsboro, and as we 
strode on to Taneytown, the army seemed to be invigorated by the scenes 
it had witnessed since entering Maryland. The cheers of the people and the 
waving of flags restored the esprit de corps that seemed to have been dor- 
mant on the journey through Virginia. The resignation of Gen. Hooker 
and the appointment of Gen. Meade to succeed him, which had occurred 
while we were proceeding through Frederick, had no effect to change the 
sentiments of the army, but the improved tone and animation was due to 
the sense of gratification that we were again on Northern soil and among 
friends. We entered Tane5rtown June 29th, and the last day of June we 
reached Bridgeport. That night we passed through or near Emmittsburg, 
where we bivouacked about eight miles from Gettysburg. Early on the 
morning of July 1st, we prepared to begin another day's march, but some 
hours elapsed before orders were given to proceed, and then Gen. Sickles 
received an order from Gten. Howard for him to move the Third Corps to 
Gettysburg in haste. Leaving our Brigade at Emmittsburg, and a battery 
of artiUery as rear guard, we saw our comrades pass to the front, where we 
knew the battle of the preceding day was to be renewed. We had heard that 
the 1st and 11th Corps had met the rebel forces of Gens. Hill and Ewell 
just beyond the peaceful, quiet hamlet that was soon destined to become 
noted as the scene of the most desperate and sanguinary conflict the world has 
ever known. At the time of the clash between the opposing armies, the 
rebels were marching southward and the Union army northward, thus 
presenting a strange anomaly, for it had been expected that the Confederates, 
intent upon plunder, would continue until they reached Philadelphia or 
perhaps New York. But, penetrating as far north as Chambersburg, 
Gen. Ewell swerved from his northerly route, when Harrisburg could 


easily have been captured and Baltimore likewise, before the Union Army 
could have appeared in their defense. We remained at Emmittsburg until 
midnight, when an order arrived for us to proceed and join our Corps at 
Gettysburg, where we arrived at about nine o'clock on the morning of 
July 2d. 




The engagement on July 1st resulted in a repulse of the Union forces, 
which were obliged by overwhelming numbers to retreat to the heights of 
Cemetery Hill, through and beyond the streets of Gettysburg which that 
night were occupied by the troops of Gen. Ewell, which, on the succeeding 
day, formed the left of the rebel line of battle. 

Gen. Sickles, with the 3d Corps, did not reach the field in time to parti- 
cipate in the fighting of that day, and it was not until after sunset that he 
reported to Gen. Howard, who ordered him to form on the left of the line 
which was established along a chain of ridges towards the Round Tops. 

At the dawn of July 2d, the Union line of battle stretched a distance of 
three miles from Gulp's Hill across Cemetery HiU westward to Little Round 
Top mountain. The rebel Une of battle extended along Seminary Ridge, 
which was nearly parallel to the Union formation. 

Upon arriving within a mile of the battle ground, our Brigade halted 
for orders, and formed in line of battle, then proceeded to the front, 
attracting on the march a few shots from sharpshooters, none of which, 
however, took effect. At about noon. Gen. Sickles advanced his entire line 
until the right reached the Peach Orchard on the Emmettsburg road. The 
line extended from the Peach Orchard, which occupied a corner of ground 
where a wagon road crossed the turnpike, and from there was deflected at 
nearly right angles into and across the Devil's Den, and close to the foot of 
the Little Round Top. Our Division had the left of the Union line, the 
Brigade had the center of the Division and the Mozarters had the center of 
the Brigade, with Ward's Brigade on the left reaching to Little Round Top 
through Devil's Den and across a wide ravine through which flowed a rivulet 
called Plum Run. It was in this formation that the first attack came at 
mid-afternoon. Gen. Longstreet was opposed to Gen. Sickles, who conceived 
that it would be the purpose of his adversary to pierce or flank our line and 
thus secure Little Round Top. It was in anticipation of this movement 
that Gen. Sickles advanced his Corps beyond the Union line of battle. 
The movement was undertaken, and had it been successful and Little Round 
Top been secured by Gen. Longstreet, it would have given him control of 
the field, and the Union Army would then have been compelled to retire and 
form a new line of battle, or retreat altogether from the scene. 

The attack began that afternoon with a terrific artillery fire from the 
enemy, and soon thereafter a furious charge was made by massive columns 
of infantry which were hurled against the Third Corps, which contended 
against the terrific onslaught with the most desperate courage. While thus 
engaged in one of the fiercest conflicts of the battle. Gen. Sickles was 
wounded and carried from the field. Gen. Bimey succeeded to the com- 



mand of the Corps and Gen. Ward to that of the Division. We were still 
in advance of the general line of battle, and that fact contributed to the 
concentration of the rebel attack on the Corps which, although reenforced, 
was finally forced back to the main line with fearful loss. The casualties in 
the Mozart ranks alone neared the total of 150 men who were killed and 
disabled in the short space of an hour. The attack did not begin until mid- 
afternoon, but during four hours the slaughter continued without any dimi- 
nution. During the conflict, the Mozarters were twice despatched to other 
parts of the field where the fighting was heaviest, and thus it happened 
that we contended at all three centers of activity, — the Peach Orchard, 
the Devil's Den, and in the Wheat Field which fronted on the wagon road 
but considerably nearer Little Round Top than the Peach Orchard. It was 
at these three points of fiercest battling that our Regiment sustained the 
greater part of its losses. During the severest minutes of the struggle the 
Regiment was ordered to the assistance of Smith's Battery, which was 
posted upon an eminence overlooking the Devil's Den, and it was there that 
the Mozarters made a charge to save the battery, and there also that CoL 
Egan was dismounted from his horse which was disabled by a fragment of 
shell that first grazed the Colonel's leg in its forceful flight. In his official 
report of the battle, Col. Egan modestly refrains from mentioning this 
event in which he so conspicuously figured, but it has, nevertheless, been 
accurately depicted by the skillful pencil of Sergt. H. W. Burns, who came 
to the Mozart ranks from the 38th Regiment, having originally enlisted in 
the 55th Re^ment. And Sergt. Bums is not only the artist but also the 
engraver of the scene, which is illustrated just at the moment when the 
Colonel was unhorsed during the charge upon the rebels who were rushing 
onward from the Devil's Den to capture the Battery. A faithful delineation 
is reproduced elsewhere, and the story it mutely relates may be read in every 
outline of the picture. 

The contest at Devil's Den for possession of Round Top is thus described 
by Capt. Smith, who conmianded the Battery we saved : 

We had been swept from the crest of Devil's Den. During this critical moment 
the fate of the Round Top hung in the balance; five minutes more and the battery must 
retire or fall into the enemy's hands. The Round Tops were still defenseless. General 
Warner, who had gone in search of troops for the purpose of defending this important 
position, had not yet returned. Time was precious. The Fortieth New York Regi- 
ment moved at a double quick and was soon charging through the battery. A new 
lease of life was given us ; in fact, this timely assistance enabled the battery to renew the 
contest, and with the aid of the Mozarters, to impose a delay of half an hour upon Hood 's 
troops, thereby giving the approaching troops sufficient time to scale the summit of 
Little Round Top, together with Hazlett's Battery, and after a short, sharp struggle, 
repulse the foe. 

While this momentous scene was being enacted between Gren. Longstreet 
to obtain a lodgment from which he could conunand the position occupied 
by the Union troops, and Gen. Sickles to prevent a rupture of our line, the 
rebels succeeded in turning the flank of Gen. Ward's line which extended to 
Little Round Top, and began the ascent of the rugged mount. The Union 
and Confederate troops met and a terrible hand-to-hand struggle ensued 
that continued half an hour and ended by the overthrow of the rebels. At 
the same time Hazlett's Battery had been laboriously dragged by the soldiery 


to the summit. Thus was Little Round Top saved, and the Union Army as 
well, for had Longstreet succeeded in his endeavor, the Battle of Gettysburg 
would doubtless have ended in a disastrous defeat of the Union Army. 
Through the assignments of Gen. Sickles, Union soldiers were there to engage 
with Hood 's Texans, and had they not been there at the right time and at the 
right place, the Union Army might not have won a victory at Gettysburg. 

Not alone on the left was all the fighting that day, but along portions of 
the center, and a terrible conflict occurred on our right. The rebel plan of 
battle contemplated that while the real assault should be made on the left, 
Gen. Ewell should also attack on the right of our line, and this was done by 
the Divisions of Early and Johnson, which assaulted the troops of Gen. 
Howard without obtaining any other result than to hold our forces from the 
real battle ground on the other flank where it was hoped to destroy Gen. 
Sickles. Darkness ended the conflict at either end of the hne for that day. 
We had maintained our position and the rebel army had failed to dislodge 
the Union troops and had gained no advantage, while we had gained Round 
Top, and could dictate the choice of the battle ground for the morrow which 
surely was to witness a renewal of the contest. 

During the night of July 2d, the Mozart Regiment reoccupied its ori^nal 
position in the hne of battle and received rations and ammunition. Fires 
were permitted for cooking, and after the arduous day, the food and coffee 
were refreshing. The entire hne was reestabhshed before morning from 
Gulp's Hill to the Cemetery Heights and South as far as Roimd Top, where 
the Sixth Corps had assumed position. At daylight, July 3d, Gen. Ewell 
renewed his bombardment from the position he had taken and held during 
the night. At dayhght. Gen. Meade assumed the offensive and Gen. Ewell 
was driven back out of the intrenchments he had captured on the previous 
day. An ominous silence followed the assault on Ewell, but suddenly, at 
about one o'clock, the rebel artillery began firing and from 150 cannon posted 
along the Seminary Heights there came such a tempest of missiles on their 
deadly errand as to appall the bravest among the Union forces. The Union 
guns repUed with equal spirit and for two hours the air was filled with scream- 
ing shells and their whistling fragments. The explosion of caissons struck 
by the terrible missiles added to the tremendous tumult and to om* losses of 
men and horses. Our hues of infantry during this dreadful duel remained 
stationary upon the ground, or behind rocks and trees, or whatever could 
afford the minutest protection. Shells exploded in the air or struck the 
ground, there to burst with disastrous effects, as pieces of iron were hurled in 
every direction. The Mozart position during this fierce cannonade w;as near 
the firing line, and while we crouched to avoid the flying missiles, quite a 
number were killed or wounded. While this artillery duel was transpiring 
the rebel army had been reenforced by the Division commanded by Gen. 
Pickett, consisting of three brigades. Misconstruing the silence of the Union 
artillery to mean that the guns could no longer be served. Gen. Lee imme- 
diately ordered an assault by Pickett's fresh troops, who were soon seen to be 
advancing across the intervening plain. They numbered 15,000 men in per- 
fect aUgnment, formed in massive columns by regiments, with a hne cover- 
ing a front of 1000 yards. They were allowed to approach within canister 
range and then the artillery began a deadly fire which, however, did not check 


the hostile force although hundreds fell. When within musketry range, a 
terrible discharge met the courageous foe, but still they advanced with 
thinned ranks, until at last they reached the Union lines upon the crest of 
Cemetery Ridge, and then began a hand-to-hand conflict with bayonets and 
clubbed muskets, that finally ended by the surrender of the assailants, who 
threw down their arms and flung themselves prostrate upon the ground in 
token of defeat and submission to a fate their daring and valor could not 
prevent. Three-fourths of the valiant Confederates who started upon that 
perilous mission were dead or prisoners, and their three Generals in command 
of Brigades were either dead or fatally wounded. Within the Union ranks. 
Gen. Hancock and Gen. Gibbon were wounded. The Union loss, dimng the 
three days of desperate fighting, slightly exceeded 23,000 men, of whom 3000 
were killed. The Confederate loss was very much larger, but the actual 
casualties were never disclosed by Gen. Lee, who said he was unable to 
determine his loss with accuracy. 

The Mozart casualties were exactly 146 in killed, wounded, and missing, 
of whom only five were missing. Twenty-seven were killed and 14 wounded. 
As usual, our loss was greater than that of any regiment in the Brigade. The 
following is the official report of the battle by Col. Egan: — 

Report of Col. Eoan. 
Captain: — 

I have the honor to submit the following account of the part taken by the Fortieth 
Regiment New York Volunteers in the Battle of Gettysburg. On the morning of July 
2d, after a prolonged and tedious march of many days, my Command moved from 
Emmettsburg, up the Pike leading to Gettysburg, to unite with the remainder of the 
Division, which had been pushed ahead the night previous. Arriving within about two 
miles of Gettysburg, moved to the right and formed line of battle with the Brigade in a 
wood of oaks and among rocks. Resting here a few hours, marched by the flank to the 
left and front, across an open field about 200 yards, into another wood, taking position 
In Une of battle as before, still facing the Emmettsburg road which was held by the 
enemy. At this point we were subjected to an enfilading fire from the enemy's bat- 
teries, which compelled a change of position. Moving across a road leading from the 
Emmettsburg road to the Baltimore pike, we again formed line of battle, when I was 
ordered with the rest of the Brigade, about 100 yards to the left and front, to the sup- 
port of a battery which was stationed near a Peach Orchard. At about four o'clock, I 
was ordered to move by the left flank through the woods across a field of wheat in front 
of Capt. Winslow's battery, to a position pointed out to me in a ravine bounded on the 
left by high hills and upon the right by a gentle ridge. The enemy had by this time, 
partly succeeded in flanking the Second Brigade upon my right, by a movement upon 
their left. Capt. Smith's battery (Fourth New York) was stationed upon the ridge at 
my right, and was in a very perilous situation. The enemy having already captured 
two of his pieces, he called upon me in beseeching terms, to save his battery. I then 
moved in line of battle, under a terrific fire of the enemy's infantry, who were strongly 
disposed behind the natural defenses of rocks and ridges, encountering also a destruc- 
tive fire from his artillery. I immediately ordered my men to charge, when, with great 
alacrity, they pushed forward at a double-quick, crossing a marsh up to their knees in 
mud and water. 

The enemy fell back upon my advance, to a new position very much stronger than 
the first. All attempts to dislodge them proving unsuccessful, and discovering that 
they had gained ground upon my right, which threatened a flank movement, I was com- 
pelled to fall back. In moving, my Command suffered terribly, and here, I have to 
regret the loss of one of my bravest and best officers, Lieut. William H. H. Johnson, 
who was Acting Adjutant. While nobly and gallantly urging on the men, he was 
killed instantly, by a Minie ball. I sustained also, the loss of many of my honest and 


most faithful men who nobly fell in the performance of their sacred duty, facing the 
enemy of our country. 

It becomes my painful duty also, to record the loss by wounds, of many of my best 
officers and most worthy men. Among the number, was the gallant and brave Lieut. 
Col. Augustus J. Warner, who received a severe wound in the leg while rendering me the 
most valuable assistance. Capt. M. M. Cannon and Lieuts. W. H. Gilder and R. M. 
Eoody, also received severe wounds while greatly distinguishing themselves at their 
post of duty. 

Early upon the following morning, moved to the position first occupied before the 
battle, where we remained until the middle of the afternoon, when I received orders to 
move by the flank to the right and rear, to the support of batteries, placed in position 
in anticipation of a concentrated movement upon this point. Here I sustained the loss 
of several men from the terrific fire of the enemy's batteries. We remained in this posi- 
tion until night, when I received orders to move my regiment by the flank to the front 
for picket duty. Early next morning, July 4th, was relieved, it being ascertained that 
the enemy had evacuated, and rejoined the Brigade, when I was again moved with the 
Brigade back to the position occupied in the afternoon of the previous day. Here 
bivouacked for the night. The next morning, my Command was moved with the Bri- 
gade to the woods first occupied on the morning of the second instant, to await orders 
to follow up the fleeing enemy. 

From the Report of Col. Db Trobriand. 

In the meantime, the enemy had been steadily moving large masses of troops under 
cover of the woods, towards our left out of range of musketry and covering himself with 
a line of skirmishers, the march by the left flank indicating the direction of the probable 
attack. Soon after, I was ordered to send a regiment to support Gen. Ward, and I 
irmuediately detached for that purpose, the Fortieth New York, which marched forward 
and aided efficiently in checking the enemy's advance in the most exposed position on 
our extreme left. 

From "Four Years with the Army op the Potomac." 

From the woods bordering the Wheatfield, the Fortieth New York Regiment was 
sent in haste to oppose an attack which was turning the left of the Second Brigade 
(Ward's) and penetrating between it and Little Round Top. The greatest danger of 
the moment was there. It was a hard fight. On both sides, each one aimed at his man 
and many fell dead and wounded with frightful rapidity. I had never seen men fight 
with equal obstinacy. So we maintained our hold, but my line was melting away in its 
position. It seemed to me that nearly half were struck down. The situation was be- 
coming desperate. Ward's left had been broken in. The Fortieth New York, sent to 
its aid, had in vain charged the enemy vigorously, coming to the bayonet's point. 

From the Report op Gen. Ward. 

In the meantime, I had sent to Gen. Birney for reenforcements, who directed Col. 
Egan with the Fortieth New York, to report. The enemy now concentrated his forces 
on our extreme left, with the intention to turn our left flank through a gorge between my 
left and Little Round Top. The Fortieth was despatched to cover the gorge which 
they did most effectually. 

The valuable service rendered by the 40th New York at an opportune moment, 
cannot be overestimated. Their steadiness and valor were not unknown to me, having 
had the honor to conmiand them on other occasions. They came to me at the right 
time, were put in the right place and well did they perform the duty assigned them. 

From the Report of Gen. Birnet. 

The Fortieth New York, Col. Egan, was sent by me to strengthen Gen. Ward's line, 
and, led by its gallant dashing Colonel, charged the enemy and drove him back from his 
advanced point, and poured the most terrific fire into his ranks. 

I sent Egan to charge with the Fortieth. He led his regiment, and succeeded in 
repulsing three times bis number in a bona fide bayonet charge. My staff officer (Capt. 
Briscoe) reported it to me as the most brilliant affair of the day. 


The morning of July 4th, the anniversary of the Nation's birth, dawned 
magnificently, but rain fell later, as usual after a battle. During the night 
the armies had occupied their several positions as if fearing an attack in the 
darkness. No attempt was made to succor the wounded, whose moans were 
plainly audible to the Mozarters who were on the picket line until morning. 
The foe was distant only a trifling fraction of a mile, and the pickets faced 
each other with only a few rods intervening. And so the exhausted soldiers 
of both armies slept until morning, when the Confederate pickets were with- 
drawn across the Emmettsburg road, and the woimded were then cared for. 
Field Hospitals had been estabhshed during the battle and to these were the 
wounded victims of the Pickett carnage conveyed. Hundreds of loyal 
soldiers lay there, and many with their wounds imdressed, bleeding, suffering, 
and dsdng. The rebel wounded were also largely within the Union lines, and 
these were Ukewise rescued as soon as our helpless warriors had been gathered. 
After a few days the Field Hospitals were discontinued when Division and 
Corps Hospitals had been established. Those who could bear removal were 
then transferred for treatment to the improvised hospitals of their respective 
organizations, and after the army had withdrawn many were transported to 
General Hospitals in Washington, Philadelphia, New York, and other cities. 

Gen. Lee held his army along the crests of the Seminary ridges all through 
the day of July 4th, and engaged in burying his dead and withdrawing his 
trains, although it was not then known that he was preparing to retreat, which 
he began that night. On the morning of July 5th, the Union Army was alone 
with its dying and dead — yet not alone, for Gren. Lee had left us the legacy 
of 8000 of his wounded troops and twice that number of his dead. 

Gen. Meade ordered a pursuit of the fleeing invaders as soon as he dis- 
covered their flight. Our cavalry overtook the rear guard ten nules distant 
from the scene of the carnage, and soon the entire Union Army was ordered 
to march, but it was not until the early morning of July 7th that the Mo- 
zarters were in motion. Gen. French had succeeded to the command of the 
Third Corps by right of seniority, and we again turned our faces Southward. 
Our route of march was by way of Mechanicstown, which the head of our 
Division reached at about six o'clock p.m. From there, the next day, we 
continued on to Frederick, through which we passed on the following day. 
The Confederates hurried to Williamsport, where Gen. Lee planned to cross 
the Potomac into Virginia, but he was detained by heavy rains which made 
the river unfordable. This delay gave the Union army time to overtake the 
enemy, who had, in the meantime, fortified their position. The Union Army 
was in a good position to attack, and we received orders to prepare for battle, 
but while our Generals were deUberating about engaging the enemy, the 
river subsided, and Gen. Lee crossed with his army and continued his retreat. 
Thus, in my opinion, was lost an opportunity to deUver a final blow which 
might have destroyed the Army of Virginia and ended the war. 

The Union Army crossed the Potomac River into Virginia on pontoon 
bridges at and near Harper's Ferry, and hastened on, skirting the Blue Ridge, 
upon the other side of which the Confederates were following the line of the 
Shenandoah. Gen. Meade aimed to reach Manassas Gap in advance of the 
enemy and there intercept the retreat, with the hope of attacking the rebel 
column and dividing it before it could pass. But the plan failed through the 




faulty execution of orders promulgated by Gen. French, to whom, after our 
Corps crossed the Potomac, was given the honor of the advance and conse- 
quent right of the line. We arrived at the Gap in time and passed through 
after bivouacking among the mountains. On the morning of July 23d, the 
Corps moved forward to strike the enemy's Une of retreat, but the day was 
wasted in useless skirmishes, in which two brigades of our Division and 
several cavalry regiments were the only participants. Through an indefinite 
order from Gen. French, our Brigade became detached from the right of the 
line and separated from the remainder of the Division. In compliance with 
his instructions, Col. De Trobriand marched the Brigade forward while Gen. 
Ward obliqued to the left, where the skirmishers were soon engaged. We 
soon received orders from a staff officer to join the DiAnsion, but the enemy 
retreated before we were near enough for action. It was now sunset and the 
pursuit was not continued. In the morning it was found that the fragment 
we attacked had continued on to join the rear guard of the enemy. Thus 
was Gen. Lee enabled to continue his retreat that night and escape a battle 
that would doubtless have proved very disastrous. The Confederates 
advanced through Chester Gap and reached Culpeper in safety, and we con- 
tinued on to Warrenton, where we arrived July 26th. Thence we moved 
forward and on the last day of July we encaipped near White Sulphur Springs 
on the Rappahannock. Since leaving Falmouth in early June we had 
marched nearly foiu" hundred miles and fought the Battle of Gettysburg. 

After a few days of idleness, the customary drilling was resumed, and we 
remained in our position several weeks, resting and recruiting, while the rail- 
road that had been destroyed by the retreating rebel army, was reconstructed. 



While we were thus recuperating and preparing for a continuance of the 
struggle, detachments of several thousand troops were dispatched by Gen. 
Meade to New York City, under command of Gen. Bimey, to quell the "draft 
riots. " Among these troops were the Third and Fifth Michigan Regiments of 
our Brigade. At about the same time other troops were sent to South Caro- 
lina, and the Eleventh and Twelfth Corps to the West under Gen. Hancock. 
These withdrawals rendered offensive operations impossible, until Gen. Meade 
learned that Gen. Lee had sent a part of his army under Gren. Longstreet 
to Tennessee. The Union Commander then determined to renew operations 
against the enemy, and on Sept. 15th we were again in motion. The Cav- 
alry advanced across the Rappahannock, and Gen. Lee retreated from Cul- 
peper to the Rapidan, which he crossed without molestation. We occupied 
Culpeper and followed the enemy to the Rapidan, upon the opposite sides 
of which the two armies halted, tiie rebels occups^ng a very formidable posi- 
tion. While we were there the two Michigan regiments returned to us 
from New York, and they were given a hearty welcome. 

Early in October, Gien. Lee again assmned the offensive, and began a 
flanking movement that had the effect of forcing Gen. Meade to abandon his 
position and recross the Rappahannock. A series of maneuvers followed 
which culminated in an engagement at Bristoe between the Second Corps and 
a large force of the enemy. At the same time, Oct. 14th, there occiuxed an 
engagement at Auburn, in which the Mozarters participated with but slight 
loss. On the following day, Oct. 15th, we also had a skirmish at Catlett's 
Station, in which our regiment sustained no loss. The onward march of the 
enemy compelled the Union Army to retire until we arrived at CentreviUe, 
where a strong defensive position was assumed. Li this attitude Gen. Lee 
dared not attack, and he was forced to abandon the campaign, the object of 
which was to sever our communications with Washington. He was entirely 
thwarted in this undertaking, and finding Gen. Meade strongly massed upon 
the heights of CentreviUe, he withdrew, but first made a feint towards Bull 
Run, which enabled him to again destroy the raUroad upon which we de- 
pended for supplies. Gen. Lee gained nothing by this flanking movement, 
and it cost hun an aggregate loss of 1474 men. The Union casualties were 
546, of whom 400 were killed and wounded. 

At about this date Gen. Sickles made his appearance in camp on crutches, 
and an ovation was extended him. He was met by Gen. Birney and driven 
to camp in a wagon drawn by four horses. The regiments were formed in 
line, and as the beloved hero passed he was greeted with enthusiastic cheers 
and other demonstrations of welcome. He had led them in many battles 
and they had won victories together, consequently there e:!dsted between 



these veteran soldiers and their old Commander a mutual feeling of trust and 
confidence, even if no tenderer tie had been established. 

Several weeks were required to rebuild the railroad which, for the distance 
of 25 miles, had been destroyed by the retreating enemy. Finally, the last 
rails were laid Nov. 6th, and our suppUes having thereby been provided for, 
Gen. Meade, on the following day, ordered an advance across the Rappahan- 
nock. We moved in two columns, and as usual, the Third Corps was upon 
the left wing, and led the movement. Arriving at Kelly's Ford, Gen. Birney 
declined to wait for the pontoons, and our Brigade was ordered to ford the 
river and make an attack upon the rebel intrenchments, which were captured 
after a brief engagement, together with more than 500 prisoners. Col. De 
Trobriand had command of the Brigade, and he led the advance across the 
river with the Mozarters closely following. Our loss in this encounter was 
about fifty, killed and wounded. The right wing crossed at Rappahannock 
Station and was equally successful in conquering all opposition, which was 
very determined and obstinate, but the fortifications were finally carried by a 
vigorous storming party, and more than 1500 prisoners were captured. The 
entire losses of the Union Army, during the day, aggregated 461, while the 
Confederates sustained a loss of 2033 men, belonging to Early's Division of 
EweU's Corps. That night. Gen. Lee availed himself of the opportunity to 
withdraw his army across the Rapidan, and the Union Army followed him 
the next day to the river bank, and occupied almost identically the ground 
from which we had retreated when Gen. Lee began his useless flanking move- 
ment to interpose his army between the Union Army and Washington. He 
had occupied just one month to advance and retreat and had accompUshed 
nothing except the reduction of the two armies by death, wounds and cap- 
tures. But Lee lost many more than Meade, and that was cause for con- 

The Mine Run Disaster. 

Just as we were making preparations for "Winter Quarters," the Army of 
the Potomac was again summoned to enter upon another campaign. It was 
late in November when Gen. Meade conceived a plan which he expected to 
accomphsh a result that was certainly worthy of achievement, for it had the 
object of attacking Lee's Army in detachments and capturing it in toto. It 
was ascertaiaed by Gen. Meade that the right and left wings of the Confed- 
erate Army were separated by an interval of several miles. The right wing 
rested on the Rapidan at Morton's Ford, where Mine Run discharges into the 
river. Mine Run is a small tributary of the Rapidan, and the extreme right 
of the rebel Une was at the point of junction. The rebel left wing extended 
to Charlottesville, distant 25 miles from Morton's Ford. Between the two 
Corps, from Orange Court House to Gordonsville, a distance of 8 miles, the 
line was broken. Gen. Meade planned to interpose the Union Army between 
the hostile forces and attack them separately. We received rations for ten 
days, and on the morning of Nov. 26th the movement began. The several 
Corps were ordered to cross the river at certain designated points, which were 
wholly unguarded, and to concentrate at certain other points. The success 
of the movement depended upon the celerity of march and the arrival of the 
various bodies of troops at the exact point at the right time. The distance 


did not exceed twenty miles, but delays occurred and much more time was 
consumed in reaching the several destinations than had been estimated. 
Three hours were wasted in crossing the river, it having been found that the 
pontoons would not reach to the opposite shore, and it became necessary to 
erect a trestle before the army could pass over. More than one half of the 
time allowed for the troops to reach their allotted positions was expended in 
crossing the river, and only one third of the distance had been covered. The 
Third Corps crossed at Jacobs' Mills Ford, but not until several hours after 
the stipulated time, and it was morning before the advance could be resumed. 
Another blunder in mistaking the road we were to follow operated to increase 
the delay, for we not only had a longer march, but we also found the enemy 
at Locust Grove, and were there forced into an encounter, in which the Mozart- 
ers sustained a loss of twenty men in killed and wounded. We did not arrive 
at our destination until night, when we should have been there at noon. By 
this time Gen. Lee had divined the intention of Gen. Meade and began opera- 
tions to unite his army. A new line of battle along the ridges that bordered 
Mine Run from Bartlett's Mills to the Rapidan caused the Union Army to 

On the morning of Nov. 28th, we formed in line of battle and awaited the 
result of reconnoissances to determine the most desirable point to attack. 
Gen. Warren on the left and Gen. Sedgwick on the right reported existing 
weaknesses in the rebel line. It was now night again, and the attack was 
necessarily postponed. Gen. Warren was prepared to make an assault, but he 
found the next morning that Gen. Lee had strengthened his line with artillery 
and infantry protected by rifle pits and abattis that did not before exist. In 
consequence. Gen. Warren decided that an attack would not be successful 
and could only result in a useless slaughter of his troops. Later in the day, 
Gen. Meade made a personal observation and concurred with Gen. Warren. 
There seemed no other alternative but to withdraw, and we began our back- 
ward march that night. Two days later, we had recrossed the river and occu- 
pied the camps from which we had started one week earlier. The Union loss 
was very much larger than that of the Confederates. During this movement, 
the Regiment was commanded by Lieut. Col. Augustus J. Warner, and the 
Brigade by Col. Egan, in consequence of the retirement of Col. De Trobriand, 
whose right to a command was questioned after the consolidation of his Regi- 
ment with the Mozarters. 

A MiD-wiNTER Picnic. 

A period of inaction followed the Mine Run movement, and the winter 
passed without any military operations except a cavalry raid under Gen. Kil- 
patrick, the principal and saddest incident of which was the death of Col. 
Ulric Dahlgren, son of Admiral Dahlgren, who was a young oflicer of great 
promise. During this period of rest and recuperation, the usual drilling was 
continued, while inspections and reviews varied the monotony of camp life. 
The Union Army was encamped along the railroad between the Rapidan and 
Rappahannock rivers, a distance of 15 miles. The Mozarters were encamped 
near Brandy Station, where the weeks glided by, replete with the storms and 
discomforts of winter. We had built huts of every available material, and so 
constructed them as to admit of interior fires which raised the temperature to 


a degree of comfort that made our life bearable, and relieved us from the ennui 
and the miserable existence that would otherwise have prevailed. 

From this dull and dismal existence, there came to us a cheerful respite, 
with the anticipation of which our hearts had, for several weeks, been aglow 
with happy expectations. In November, 1863, a General Order was issued 
from the War Department, offering a furlough of thirty days to all regiments 
in the field that re-enlisted. It was stipulated, that, to obtain this leave of 
absence, three fourths of the regimental strength must sign enlistment papers/ 
for another term of three years. Moreover, it was provided that those who 
reenUsted should be known as veteran volunteers. A large portion of the 
Mozart Regiment decided to remain in the army, and it only remained for the 
Government to fix the time for us to again turn our faces Northward for a 
brief season of joyous association with relatives and friends from whom we 
had long been separated, and who were awaiting our return to them with 
eager yearning for the opportunity to take us by the hand and welcome us 
back temporarily to the blessings of peaceful civilization. Finally, the time 
of our departure was arranged, and on the 4th day of January, the Regiment, 
which was now composed of eight companies, started with 346 men for New 
York City, where we arrived on Wednesday afternoon, Jan. 6th, and received 
a grand popular ovation, which attested the high appreciation in which we 
were held by the people, and the great respect that was entertained by all for 
the Nation's defenders. We marched through Broadway and held a Dress 
Parade in City Hall Park, and during the time we remained in the city, much 
attention was shown us as veterans of many battles. Headquarters were 
estabhshed in front of City Hall, and an enlistment office was opened for 
obtaining recruits. Regarding our arrival and appearance, the newspapers 
published long reports, one of which follows. 

Fbom the New York TuiBTnjE. 

The Fortieth (Mozart) Regiment, which has been expected for some time past, 
arrived in this city yesterday afternoon. It marched up Broadway preceded by a 
Drum and Bugle Corps, and carried its honored flags. Parade was subsequently made 
in front of City Hall. The Regiment looked well, and both ofiicers and men showed 
that an active service of two and a half years had materially improved their martial 
appearance. The combined music of the Drum and Bugle Corps created quite a sen- 
sation in Broadway. The Mozart Regiment returns with many men who originally 
enlisted in the 5Sth and 38th New York, but who have since been consolidated with the 

No restrictions were placed upon our individual movements during our 
sojourn in the metropolis, except to report at headquarters at the end of thirty 
days. We were at Home, Sweet Home, among those who loved us, and with 
whom we passed the happiest days of our existence. Alas, many never again 
enjoyed the dehghtful privilege of seeing home and mingling with the dear 
ones they loved and cherished beyond expression. Before the final home- 
coming of the Regiment, they had given their lives, that their beloved country 
might five. 

In just one week after our arrival, a banquet was tendered to Col. Egan 
and the Mozart oflBcers by sutler Rogers, of whom I have previously spoken, 
at the Metropolitan Hotel. The host was very lavish in his expenditures upon 
the occasion, and with the ample means he had acquired by catering to the 


necessities and appetites of the Mozarters he could well afford to indulge in 
extravagant hospitality. 

Before returning to the Army in February, a large number of recruits 
joined the Regiment, and its stay in New York was prolonged for the purpose 
of recruiting, and when we again started for the front many new faces were in 
the ranks, which contained a total of 469 officers and enlisted men. 





Eaklt in February, 1864, we began to hear rumors that the Army of the 
Potomac was to be commanded by Gen. Grant in person. Upon the assem- 
bling of Congress in December, a resolution was passed tendering thanks to 
Gen. Grant and his Western soldiers in acknowledgment of their courage 
and matchless victories at Shiloh, Corinth, Vicksburg, Chattanooga, and on 
other battlefields. It was also ordered that a Gold Medal, bearing suitable 
emblems and inscriptions, be made and presented to Gen. Grant in token of 
national gratitude. The State of New York also passed resolutions of thanks 
which were engrossed upon the official records and deposited among the 
State Archives. 

In early February, Congress revived the grade of Lieutenant General, 
and President Lincoln immediately nominated Gen. Grant to that rank. 
The Senate confirmed the appointment without debate, and Gen. Grant was 
summoned to Washington, where he arrived March 8th, and on the following 
day he received his Commission as Lieutenant General. He was, on the 
succeeding day, March 10th, by a special order of President Lincoln, assigned 
to the command of "all the armies of the United States." 

A Council of War was soon after held in Washington, at which Gen. Grant 
announced it to be his purpose to concentrate and combine operations, with 
the intention of simultaneously engaging the enemy at all points of resistance. 
Heretofore, the Union armies had acted independently, without any com- 
prehensive system or plan beyond the immediate vicinities of their several 
spheres of operation. Gen. Grant decided that a continuance of that 
poUcy would be futile in overcoming the enemy and ending the war, and he 
determined to engage each of the rebel armies at the same time and thus 
prevent the reenforcement of one army from another as had been the practice 
when either force was separately attacked. 

Gen. Grant decided to estabhsh his headquarters with the Army of the 
Potomac and intrusted the command of the Western Armies to Gen. Sher- 
man acting under the orders and supervision of the Commander-in-Chief. 
The plan of the proposed campaign was to operate in harmony against 
Richmond, Sherman's first objective point being Atlanta, Georgia, with 
Gen. Johnston as an opponent, who, with his army, was located in an 
intrenched position at Dalton. The armies of Lee and Johnston consti- 
tuted almost the entire armed force of the Confederacy. 

Gen. Grant arrived at Culpeper Court House with his staff during the 
last days of March. Gen. Meade retained his command of the Army of the 
Potomac, and the orders of his superior officer. Gen. Grant, were transmitted 
through him. Almost the first act of Gen. Grant was a reorganization of 
the Army of the Potomac, by which the five corps were consolidated into 



three corps. The Second, Fifth, and Sixth Corps were first consolidated 
into two Divisions each. Then the First and Second Divisions of the Third 
Corps were transferred to the Second Corps, and the Third Division to the 
Sixth Corps. Thus the Third Corps ceased to exist. The First Corps was 
entirely transferred to the Fifth Corps, and it no longer existed. The Com- 
manders assigned to these organizations were Gen. Hancock to the Second 
Corps, Gen. Warren to the Fifth Corps, and Gen, Sedgwick to the Sixth 

No one can question the motive for this consoUdation, which certainly 
carried no reflection upon the Corps Commanders or upon the rank and file. 
It then seemed strange, however, to the men affected, and seems strange now 
to the survivors who helped to make the Third Corps noted as a fighting body, 
that, with such a fighting record, it was not allowed to exist, and stranger, 
in fact, that the three corps were not retained which were munericaUy the 
first in order. While it is certain that the change did not injuriously affect 
the efficiency of the soldiers, who were all sadly vexed at the loss of their 
Corps designations, it is nevertheless true that they never renounced their 
allegiance to the Third Corps. They reluctantly adopted the clover leaf, 
which was the badge of the Second Corps, but insisted upon wearing the 
diamond, and they were permitted to enjoy the privilege. And they still 
wear it, and when asked in what Corps they served, they reply, " The Third." 
An order was issued stating the reasons for the consolidation, but it did not 
explain why the Second, Fifth, and Sixth Corps were preferred instead of 
the First, Second, and Third, as would naturally be expected. 

The Mozarters had heretofore been in the Third Brigade of the First 
Division, but under the new organization we were assigned to the First 
Brigade of the Third Division, with Gen. Birney in command and Gen. Ward 
commanding the First Brigade, which was composed of the 2d United States 
Sharpshooters, the 40th, 86th, and 124th New York, the 99th, 110th, and 
141st Pennsylvania, the 3d Maine and the 20th Indiana regiments. 

In March, Comrade William H. Wells contracted that dreadful disease, 
smallpox, while Surgeon Evans was at his home on accoimt of sickness, and 
the malady was at first diagnosed as measles, which had extensively pre- 
vailed during the winter throughout the army. Comrade William M. Pajme 
of Arlington also contracted the disease, from which he recovered. When 
Surgeon Evans returned to duty soon after, he pronounced the disease to be 
smallpox. Wells had then been discharged from the regimental hospital 
where he had been treated. Two days later. Chaplain Gilder was stricken 
with the disease and was isolated in a separate field hospital established for 
his treatment. But it was too late. The terrible scourge could not be 
checked, and he died fully resigned after having been informed of his critical 
condition and that his recovery was doubtful. 

An excellent portrait of the faithful pastor and patriot, as he appeared 
at the time he assumed the Chaplaincy of the regiment, appears elsewhere. 





The month of April passed in preparations for the campaign that we all 
knew was contemplated, and the greatest eagerness and enthusiasm prevailed 
throughout the army. It was universally believed that, under the leader- 
ship of Gen. Grant, we should achieve victory and that the rebellion would 
be speedily crushed. At dress parade May 3d, the following order was read 
to every regiment: — 


May 3d, 1864. 


Again you are called upon to advance upon the enemies of your country. The 
time and'the occasion are deemed opportune by your Commanding General to address 
you a few words of confidence and caution. You have been reorganized, strengthened 
and fully equipped in every respect. You form a part of the several armies of your 
country, the whole under an able and distinguished General, who enjoys the confidence 
of the Government, the people and the army. Your movement being in cooperation 
with others, it is of the utmost importance that no effort should be spared to make it 
successful. Soldiers, the eyes of the whole coimtry are looking with anxious hope to 
the blow you are about to strike in the most sacred cause that ever called men to arms. 
Remember your homes, your wives, and your children, and bear in mind that the sooner 
your enemies are overcome, the sooner you will be returned to enjoy the benefits and 
blessings of peace. Bear with patience the hardships you will be called upon to endure. 
Have confidence in your officers and in each other. Keep your ranks on the march and 
on the battlefield, and let each man earnestly implore God's blessing, and endeavor by 
his thoughts and actions to render himself worthy of the favor he seeks. With clear 
conscience and strong arms, actuated by a high sense of duty, fighting to preserve the 
government and the institutions handed down to us by our forefathers, if true to our- 
selves, victory, under God's blessing, must and will attend our efforts. 

GEORGE G. MEADE, Major General Commanding. 

The expression, "cooperation with others," referred to the armies of 
Gen. Butler at Fortress Monroe, who was to advance upon Richmond up the 
James River as far as City Point, to Gen. Siegel in the Shenandoah valley, 
and to Gen. Bumside at Annapolis, who joined the Army of the Potomac soon 
after it moved towards Richmond. Gen. Banks in Louisiana and Gen. 
Sherman in Tennessee were to cooperate, and were instructed to move 
simultaneously with the advance of Gen. Grant, who had withdrawn Gen. 
Sheridan from the West to Virginia, and placed him in command of the 
cavalry, which consisted of a large body of experienced horsemen. 

The reveille sounded long before the dawn of Wednesday, May 4th, and 
the army was soon in motion with our (Second) Corps in advance under the 
grand warrior, (Jen. Hancock. The Rapidan was crossed without opposition 
below the rebel intrenchments. The next day we continued on towards 
Chancellorsville, thus executing a flank movement which forced Gen. Lee 
from his intrenchments to protect his conununications with Richmond. On 



the following day, May 6th, we were in the heart of a region several miles in 
extent, known as the Wilderness. The territory was covered with a dense 
forest of stunted trees and thick, tangled underbrush that could hardly be 
penetrated, but Gen. Lee had the advantage of familiarity with the ground. 
He confronted us at this wild and gloomy place, where it is evident that 
Gen. Grant did not expect an attack, but as soon as menaced, he prepared 
for battle by occupying a ridge of hills and digging rifle pits. 

Our Corps crossed at Ely's Ford and proceeded on to Chancellorsville, 
where we remained during the day and bivouacked at night on or near the 
old battle ground of the previous year. The next morning, Thursday, May 
5th, while the main army halted for battle, we resumed our march southward, 
but at nine o'clock. Gen. Hancock received an Order to halt, and two hours 
later he received instructions to return and unite with the main army, at 
the Wilderness. We immediately changed direction to begin a forced march 
of ten miles. It was three o'clock when we effected a junction with the 
Sixth Corps, which had been engaged with the enemy for some time, and our 
arrival was very opportune. Our Division (3d) had marched in advance 
and Gen. Birney formed in double line of battle in front of the enemy. At 
four o'clock we were ordered to assault, and we rushed forward to the attack 
with the utmost vigor. The action continued three hours with the most 
intense fury and with repeated and desperate assaults, but the enemy met 
us at every point of our line and delivered voUeys which were bravely 
encountered. Night terminated the conflict in which several thousands of 
our troops were killed and wounded, and when the struggle ended, the com- 
batants occupied their respective ground at the be^nning of the contest. 
Gen. Lee had failed to break through our lines, and we bivouacked on the 
battlefield among the dead and wounded of both armies. 

The Ninth Corps under Gen. Burnside arrived during the night and took 
position on the right of our Corps, which now was on the extreme left of the 
army. At dawn the next morning, Friday, May 6th, our Division, under 
Gen. Birney, renewed the battle with a vigorous charge, and after an hour's 
desperate conflict, the Confederates were overpowered and forced back nearly 
two miles with a loss of many prisoners and five stands of colors. After a 
pause of two hours, the advance was again resumed, with our Division lead- 
ing, but the enemy had been heavily reenforced, and we could proceed no 
farther. After hard fighting against this enlarged force, we retired to the 
line from which we had advanced in the morning. During this furious onset 
of the enemy. Gen. Wadsworth of the Union army was killed, and the Con- 
federate Gen. Longstreet was so severely woimded that he was never again 
able to resume command. Several hours elapsed after these casualties 
before the battle was renewed. The fighting in our inmiediate front then 
raged for two hours with awful carnage, but Gen. Hancock continued the 
battle until our opponents were again driven back, when darkness ended 
the engagement Again the fields were strewn with thousands of the dead 
and wounded, and we rested where wails of agony pierced the air. We had 
not achieved a victory, but the enemy had failed to shatter our lines, while 
we had succeeded in resisting their impetuous attempts. 

On Saturday morning, Gen. Grant was ready to continue the battle, but 
Gen. Lee preferred to retire. Our Commander had triumphed by flanking 


the enemy and compelling him to forsake his intrenchments on the Rapidan, 
and to fight upon ground acceptable to his adversary. When Gen. Lee 
decided to withdraw, we had won a victory and the Battle of the Wilderness 
had ended. The Mozarters during this entire struggle were constantly on 
the firing line, and we lost 169 of our niunber, of whom only 34 were missing. 
The remainder were known to be killed or wounded. The total loss of the 
Union Army was 17,666, of whom 2246 were killed in action. 

Battle op Spottsylvania. 

The early and rapid movement of Gen. Lee from the Wilderness was made 
in anticipation of the intention of Gen. Grant to sever the connection of the 
rebel army with Richmond. Gen. Grant issued an order to prepare for 
another advance southward, and with the advent of darkness on Saturday, 
May 7th, the onward movement began, with Spottsylvania Court House as 
the objective point, which was distant fifteen miles. With the design of foil- 
ing Gen. Grant's plan to interpose the Union Army between the Confederates 
and Richmond, Gen. Lee also directed his army towards Spottsylvania, and 
having the shorter route, he arrived there first and took possession of in- 
trenchments previously erected. 

Our march from the Wilderness began at 9 o'clock on Saturday night. 
Gen. Warren with the Fifth Corps marched in advance and our Corps followed. 
The usual delay incident to large bodies of troops occurred while en route, 
which operated to assist the enemy in preceding our forces at Spottsylvania, 
and thus it happened that when the Fifth Corps arrived there it was confronted 
by Longstreet's Corps. It was now eight o'clock on Sunday morning, and an 
engagement immediately commenced. The attack was so sudden as to cause 
some confusion, but our lines were maintained, and upon the arrival of the 
other Divisions of the Fifth Corps, the rebels were forced back and our troops 
began to intrench. Our Corps having been halted at a place called Todd's 
Tavern, we remained there during the entire day to guard against an attack 
upon the rear which, however, did not occur. On Monday, May 9th, we con- 
tinued our march and joined the army on the right of the line, taking position 
on high land overlooking the valley of the River Po, along the course of which 
the Union Army had taken position. Both armies employed the day in 
assuming positions and forming Unes of battle, and no fighting occurred except 
between the skirmishers, but early that morning the Union Army sustained 
a deplorable loss in the death of Gen. Sedgwick, who was instantly killed 
while reconnoitering from our breastworks, by the deadly aim of a sharp- 
shooter. Gen. H. G. Wright then became Commander of the Sixth Corps. 

Soon after this sad event, our Corps, under Gen. Hancock, was ordered to 
intercept a rebel wagon train that was proceeding to Spottsylvania upon the 
opposite side of the river. Late in the afternoon (Monday) we crossed the 
river with slight opposition, and bivouacked at dark. The next morning, we 
advanced to find the Confederate train safely beyond capture. Following the 
river, we found the enemy intrenched and began preparations for attacking, 
but before we were ready to assault, Gen. Hancock received instructions from 
Gen. Meade to suspend operations, and at about two o'clock, another order 
came to return across the river, in doing which, the rear guard of our Division 


was attacked and sustained some casualties. An hour later, at five o'clock, 
we marched into line of battle for an assault upon Laurel Hill, where the rebels 
were massed behind intrenchments that had been imsuccessfuUy assaulted 
that morning by the Fifth Corps. We immediately went into action, and there 
was a desperate resistance. Hour after hour there occurred furious charges 
by both armies. Again and again the foe dashed forward, only to be hurled 
back with prodigious slaughter. Cleared fields afforded the artillery an 
opportunity for action, and the cannonade was as incessant as it was terrific. 
During a luU in the battle a General Order was read to the Union Army 
announcing the magnificent success of Glen. Sherman in Georgia, and also the 
successful landing of Gen. Butler's troops up the James River, in the vicinity 
of Richmond. These tidings aroused our troops to the wildest enthusiasm 
and communicated a tremendous impulse to their subsequent charges. The 
battle became fiercer, and the field was swept by the surging billows of war 
until our troops could no longer maintain their position. The rebel defenses 
were exceedingly formidable, a natural barrier of stunted trees rendering our 
progress more difficult. Nevertheless, it was decided to repeat the attack, 
and another assault was ordered to force the strongly intrenched enemy from 
their fortifications at the summit of the hill. After severe fighting, our troops 
were successful in reaching and entering some of the rebel intrenchments, but 
they were forced back and we suffered another repulse with great slaughter, 
the losses amounting to over five thousand men in killed, woimded, and miss- 
ing. Through all that night we listened to groans of anguish and shrieks of 
torture from the wounded we could not aid or succor. 

The next day, Wednesday, May 11th, we remained inactive, and that 
morning Gen. Grant sent his famous telegram to the War Department, which 
read as follows : — 

Headqtjaktees in the Field, 

May 11th, 1864, 8 a.m. 

We have now ended the sixth day of very heavy fighting. The result, to this 
time, is much in our favor. Our losses have been heavy, as well as those of the enemy. 
I think the loss of the enemy must be greater. We have taken 5000 prisoners by 
battle, while he has taken from us but few, except stragglers. 


U. S. GRANT, Lieut. Gen. Commanding. 

The rebels were busy all that day in constructing earthworks, and to annoy 
them Gten. Grant kept up a continual shelling of their lines. We buried the 
dead and rescued the wounded. That night, just after dark, Gen. Hancock 
was ordered to a new position nearly opposite the center of the rebel line, 
preparatory to an assault at that point. We noiselessly marched through the 
darkness and the prevailing storm, and arriving at our destination, the Corps 
was formed for assault in double lines and awaited the dawn of Thursday, the 
12th of May. 

Gen. Birney was ordered to deploy in two lines with Gen. Mott's Division 
in our support. At four o'clock, while yet dark, the order was given to ad- 
vance, and we moved rapidly through the woods and then rushed for the 
works of the enemy across a field several hundred yards in width. With 
cheers we assailed and entered the intrenchments, where the resistance took 
shape in a hand-to-hand encounter. Opposing bayonets were interlocked 


and muskets were used as clubs, while others grappled in frenzied trials of 
strength. We overcame them and captured nearly 4000 prisoners, among 
whom were the rebel Generals, Johnson and Stewart. Those uncaptured 
fled and we took possession of twenty cannon and sixteen stand of colors. A 
furious attempt was made to recapture the works, but it was repulsed with 
great loss to the enemy. Holding our ground, (Jen. Grant ordered simultane- 
ous assaults against the rebel right and left, while we retained our position in 
the center. Desperate fighting resulted all along the line, and during the 
afternoon Gen. Lee made ineffectual attempts to dislodge us from the works 
we had captured. Night mercifully came to separate the exhausted armies, 
after fourteen hours of a conflict as desperate as any in which human beings 
ever engaged. At the points where the fighting was fiercest, and therefore 
the most deadly, there were actual heaps of the slain. The Union loss that 
day exceeded 8000 in killed and wounded, but with this terrible sacrifice of 
loyal lives the Union Army was slowly, yet surely, gaining. Our entire line 
had advanced a fuU mile, and our Corps had gained a still greater advantage 
and held a portion of the rebel line. No one can imagine what it is to see so 
many struck down by the missiles of war in every conceivable form of muti- 
lation. The temporary hospitals were all crowded, and hundreds were wait- 
ing, with their life blood oozing away, for their turn to be placed beneath the 
knife of the surgeons, beside whose tents huge piles of amputated limbs 
reared higher and higher as the ghastly work continued. Amid the terrible 
excitement of battle soldiers are unmindful of the carnage, but after the bat- 
tle every one is appalled when he gazes into the faces of the dead, and wit- 
nesses the prevailing misery and suffering, for which there can be no earthly 
recompense. While the surgeons were plying the knife and the saw, and the 
burial parties were heaping the turf over the dead, shells were screaming 
through the air, and the thunders of hostile batteries resounded across the 
valleys and over the hillsides. 

As the night was growing into the early morning hours of Friday, May 13th 
our skirmishers were sent forward, and behold, the foe again had fled, leaving 
their dead unburied, whose bodies were but the ghastly monuments of grim 
defeat. It was a gloomy morning of clouds and rain, and the wind sighed 
through the tree-tops a moan sympathetic with the prevaiUng woe. The 
rebels had retreated to occupy a new line of defenses, and our troops took 
possession of the abandoned field. Some were detailed to bury the dead and 
others to search for the wounded. In the afternoon Gen. Meade issued the 
following congratulatory Order: — 

For eight days and nights, almost without intermission, in rain and smishine, you 
have been gallantly fighting a desperate foe, in positions naturally strong, and rendered 
doubly so by intrenchments. You have compelled him to abandon his fortifications 
on the Rapidan, to retire, and attempt to stop your onward progress. And now he 
has abandoned the last intrenched position, so tenaciously held, suffering in all a loss 
of eighteen guns, twenty-two colors and 8000 prisoners, including two general ofiacers. 

Day after day followed, with skirmishes and movements along the line 
requiring constant changes of position from flank to flank and from right to 
left. In addition, we incessantly plied the pick and spade, and enjoyed no 
minute of perfect rest and relaxation from physical toil or mental excitement. 


We endured hunger, thirst, sleepless nights and toilsome days, never knowing 
when we should be called into action, and always expecting an attack. 

Thus passed the time until Tuesday, May 17th. In consequence of other 
movements, our Corps now formed the extreme right of the line, with our 
Division forming the right flank of the Union Army. In the meantime the 
Union line of battle had changed several miles to the left by executing the 
general flanking tactics of Gen. Grant, so that now we were quite a distance 
at the left of the intrenchments we had captured on the 12th. Since our 
occupation of these captured works, the rebels had erected, half a mile dis- 
tant, another line of fortifications in front of them, and on this day, May 17th, 
Gen. Hancock was ordered to reoccupy the captured works, and from there 
march to attack the enemy within his new embankments. We began the 
movement at dark and reached the storming point an hour before daylight 
on Wednesday. With the dawn of the morning the cannonade commenced, 
and soon the roar of another battle echoed over the hills. Our march had 
been severe and occupied almost the entire period of darkness. We found the 
rebel position protected by heavy intrenchments, in front of which large for- 
est trees had been felled to serve as an abattis. As the advancing Divisions 
moved forward, we encountered a most determined discharge of artillery and 
musketry, but, in spite of the havoc in our ranks we continued on until reach- 
ing the slashed timber, which was literally impenetrable. Numerous attempts 
were made to advance through the tangled mass of faUen trees, whose sharpt- 
ened branches protruding in every direction formed an absolute obstruction 
to our progress. Notwithstanding this environment, the hopeless struggle 
was continued for hours, but it became evident that any farther advance 
would result in fearful carnage, and finally, at ten o'clock. Gen. Meade ordered 
a cessation of the attack. Our artillery, throughout the entire Union lines, 
continued in action, but infantry movements were suspended until that night, 
during which our Corps marched to prepare for another flanking movement 
that should force the Confederates from their defenses, which we had found 
to be unassailable with any degree of promise. For twelve days and nights 
the Union Army had engaged in a struggle before the defenses of Spottsyl- 
vania, during which all had been done that courage and valor could do to 
capture a position that Nature and Military Science had made impregnable. 
The contest was unparalleled in its impetuosity, and particularly at Laurel 
Hill, the struggle is still considered to have been the fiercest of the war. 
Twice at the Wilderness and twice at Spottsylvania we had borne the brunt 
of the fighting, and when I say WE, I mean the Second Corps, the Third Divi- 
sion, the First Brigade and the Fortieth New York (Mozart) Regiment, our 
regimental loss in front of Spottsylvania having been eighty-six men Idlled 
and wounded. After this battle Gen. Ward retired from the Army perma- 
nently, and Col. Egan was assigned to the command of the Brigade. 



Gen. Hancock advanced to his assigned position during the night of 
Wednesday, May 18th, and the next morning we were in the vicinity of 
Anderson's Mills on the River Ny, where an order was received to proceed 
that night to Bowling Green. We marched until morning, which brought us 
to MDford, 17 mUes from where we started. On the following day, May 21st, 
we crossed the Mattapony River, where we bivouacked at dark with our 
left flank at Bowling Green. The Fifth Corps followed us, and the remainder 
of the Union army inunediately began the movement, the rear being assigned 
to the Sixth Corps, which, however, did not break camp until the night of 
May 21st. Our Corps remained in its position on the Mattapony while 
the other Corps were entering upon the line of march, and on Sunday morning. 
May 22d, we again started southward. The whole army was now en route 
to the North Anna River in a race with the rebel army, which had shorter 
distances to travel. The race was a short one, and we reached the river on 
the morning of Monday, May 23d, where we found the enemy, as had been 
expected. The exact point at which our Corps encountered the river was 
about one mile above the raiboad crossing, where we faced a strong fortifica- 
tion guarding the Chesterfield bridge and checking our farther advance. It 
was decided to attack this formidable barrier at once, and after fierce 
opposition, it was captured. Our Brigade, under Col. Egan, fought with 
invincible ardor and determination. The battle was opened by the Artillery 
at about sunset, and the assault was made during the cannonade. Our 
force, of two brigades only, did not exceed 3000 muskets, but with cheers this 
small force swept irresistibly across the fields at double-quick, and, disre- 
garding the spirited opposition, we climbed over the parapet and forced the 
enemy to retreat. It was now night again, and content with our victory, 
we awaited the morning. 

No opposition was made to the Fifth Corps, which crossed the river at 
Jericho Ford, during our engagement, several miles above us. Line of 
battle was formed by the Brigade in advance, and a pontoon bridge was 
quickly constructed across which the remainder of the Corps passed over. 
The next morning, we crossed over the old wooden bridge which the rebels 
had so valiantly defended on the previous evening, and the Sixth Corps 
crossed on the pontoon bridge. Four miles then separated the two flanks 
of our army, with Biu'nside yet to cross. In attempting a passage at a point 
midway of the interval between our right and left wings. Gen. Lee attacked 
with unusual vehemence and succeeded in holding the ground. The connec- 
tion between the two flanks of our army was thus severed, and finding Gen. 
Lee's position absolutely invulnerable, there remained no other alternative 
for Gen. Grant except to withdraw and advance by another route. Two 



days were passed in reconnoitering, however, before Gen. Grant decided to 
retire, and it was not until the night of May 26th, that we recrossed to the 
opposite side of the river. 

That same night a new movement began towards the Pamunkey River, 
with the Sixth Corps in advance, and our Corps protecting the rear. We did 
not start until the next morning. May 27th, at which time the van of the 
army had marched 22 miles and reached the river at Hanovertown, where a 
crossing was made without molestation. We continued oiu- march and 
covered the same distance so as to ford the river about four miles above 
Hanovertown the same afternoon. Thus Gen. Lee was again forced from his 
elaborate intrenchments, which were rendered of no avail. The retrograde 
movement of the enemy began simultaneously with our advance. The 
rebels had a much shorter distance to march, and when we had crossed the 
Pamunkey, there again, we were confronted by them in force, and here once 
more, as in 1861, we faced the Chickahominy. Reconnoissances during the 
next two days were ordered to ascertain the lines of the enemy, which were 
found to be in advance of the Chickahominy and across the course of 
Totopotomy Creek, which is an afiSuent of the Pamunkey. In oiu- march 
to locate the enemy, oiu- progress was arrested at that stream by strong 
intrenchments, and a stubborn resistance compelled Gen. Hancock to order 
our entire Corps to the front. The enemy had been posted to prevent our 
passage of the Chickahominy, which Gen. Grant was intending to cross. 

Battle of Cold Habbor. 

Our route of march was almost exactly south, and Cold Harbor was 
directly in our pathway. Here the rebel army was found in force and ready 
to dispute our advance across the river. Reconnoissances, in aU directions, 
disclosed every approach guarded, and there seemed no other way to proceed 
except by a fierce and bloody contest. Skirmishes were frequent during 
the reconnoitering, and in one of these, our Corps succeeded in capturing an 
intrenchment in front of us, but further progress was impossible. Disposi- 
tions of our forces were made with the purpose of flanking the enemy's 
right, which, if successful, would enable us to effect a passage of the river. 
To check this movement, Gen. Lee extended his line of battle in the same 
direction. Reenforcements under Gen. Smith arrived that day. May 31st, 
from Gen. Butler, and they were assigned to cooperate on the left of our 
line of battle. On the following morning, the two bodies of troops attacked 
the enemy and a sanguinary struggle took place, ending, after two hours of 
continuous fighting, in securing possession of Cold Harbor, which was 
important only as the junction of several country roads. The Union loss 
in this preliminary encounter exceeded 2000 men, but in spite of this fatality, 
it was decided to make a general attack. During the night of Jime 2d, our 
lines advanced beyond Cold Harbor, and our Corps held the left of the line 
of battle. An attack was made by the enemy that day upon our right, the 
result of which prevented Gen. Burnside from executing a movement to the 
left, where om- Une was broken. Later, he succeeded in his undertaking, 
and as finally formed for battle. Gen. Hancock was on the left. Gen. Burnside 
on the right, Gen. Smith in the center, with Gen. Warren on his right and 


Gen. Wright on his left. The hostile armies occupied the same ground as 
was covered at the battle of Gaines' Mill two years before, except that the 
opposing forces were reversed. The Union Army held the Confederate posi- 
tion and vice versa. 

At sunrise on Friday, June 3d, our entire army advanced and the whole 
line was immediately engaged. The contest was brief and bloody. Our 
Corps found the enemy in a strong position, but they were dislodged and 
several hundred prisoners were captured. But the rebels were speedily 
reenforced and we were, in turn, forced back with terrible loss. At no other 
point of our Une was there even such a temporary success as we achieved 
on the left. It soon dawned upon Gen. Meade that the Army of the Potomac 
had again assaulted intrenchments that were impregnable. Every assault 
made was repulsed, and in less than half an hour the battle ended with a 
loss of more than 13,000 Union soldiers. 

On the night succeeding the battle of Cold Harbor the rebels hazarded 
a night attack, but it was easily repulsed and also another that was made 
on the night of Jime 6th. The next day, Tuesday, our left was extended to 
the ChickahomLny by withdrawing the Fifth and Ninth Corps from the right. 
The Mozart loss in killed and wounded was twenty-four, this small number 
being attributable to our assigmnent upon the reserve during a portion of 
the final engagement. While Gen. Sheridan was consummating an extensive 
raid aroimd the left and rear of the rebel army, Gen. Grant waited to perfect 
plans for crossing the Chickahominy. 

Across the James. 

The Union Army remained in its position inert for more than a week, 
while Gen. Grant was perfecting his plans for the destruction of the rebel 
army and the reduction of Richmond. The first indication of his purpose 
was disclosed when orders were issued to intrench along our advanced forma- 
tion, but it afterward appeared that this was only a feint to deceive the enemy 
into the belief that it was the intention to proceed by way of the peninsula 
along the same route that McClellan advanced in 1862. And that Gen. Lee 
was deceived, was quite apparent when the actual movemen^t began. In 
our progress from the Rapidan to the Chickahominy, Gen. Grant had 
succeeded in compelling his antagonist to forsake his intrenchments and 
follow the Union Army in its irresistible march southward. All of the 
efiforts of Gten. Lee, with his army in the field and another of equal size in 
Richmond, to oppose the advance of Gen. Grant, were baffled, and after two 
months of constant interposition to stop the Union Army, Gen. Lee found us 
at the gates of Richmond in a far more threatening attitude than that of 
McClellan two years before. But, wiser than McClellan, Gen. Grant under- 
stood that the enemy could not be conquered in that way. 

The actions in which the Union Army had engaged during its onward 
march were inevitable and unavoidable, but in every instance, the flank 
movement was conducted with marvelous skill and the army continued on. 
And now came another opportunity for the display of that matchless gener- 
alship. Gen. Grant continued his tactics, and instead of proceeding direct 
to the fortifications of Richmond, he decided to execute another flanly 


movement by crossing the James River and attacking Richmond from 

Om- Brigade began the new movement to the James on the night of Si 
day, Jmie 12th, and crossed the Chickahominy at Long Bridge far to the 1 
of the rebel army. The distance to the James River was 15 miles, and t 
we accomplished in fourteen hours, reaching the river at 8 p.m. of the 13 
near Wilcox's Landing, where we bivouacked. The next morning, 
crossed the river on transports as the pontoons had not arrived. We imi 
diately advanced, and the Mozartera were posted for picket duty, where 
remained imtil the following morning, Wednesday. In the meantime, 
Brigade, under Col. Egan, had been ordered to advance upon Petersburg, £ 
we joined the Brigade en route. We continued on and reached the extei 
defenses of Petersburg that night at about eleven o'clock, and bivouack 
That same day, the entire army crossed on pontoon bridges, and hastened 
towards Petersburg, which was then under assault by troops from Gen. Bui 
at Bermuda Hundred. They succeeded in taking possession of the outer 1 
of rebel defenses, and gained a position within two miles of the city, wh 
was protected by a triple line of fortifications. The second line was mi 
formidable than the line we had captured, and the rebels who held it fouj 
with desperation, knowing that Gen. Lee and his army were near. As 1 
Union troops arrived, they rushed to the assault all along the extended li 
of battle, but they were repeatedly repulsed with great slaughter. Nig 
came as a great reUef, and it found 2000 Union soldiers dead or wounded. 

On the following morning, Thursday, June 16th, Gen. Grant order 
another assault, which took place at four o'clock, and the enemy was foro 
back from several points of attack and himdreds of prisoners were capture 
Our Brigade participated in the assault, during which Col. Egan was severe 
wounded, also Lieut. Col. Warner, and both were carried from the field, b 
not imtil the fortification against which our assault was directed had bet 
captured. It was also in this assault that Lieut. James Schuter was Mile 
Maj. Fletcher then assumed command of the Regiment, and Col. Madill of t 
141st Pennsylvania Regiment was assigned to command the Brigade, 
his official report of this action, the Corps Commander speaks of our achie'v 
ment as follows : — 

During this first advance on the morning of the 16th, Egan's Brigade of Bime; 
Division made a spirited attack upon the enemy, who held a small redoubt on Bime; 
left, which was carried by Egan in his usual intrepid manner. 

Of this assault the historian Swinton, also, speaks in his book entitl 
"Campaigns of the Army of the Potomac, " as follows: — 

It should be mentioned, however, that when an advance was at length mai 
Egan's Brigade of Blmey's Division attacked and carried in a very spirited mam 
a small redoubt occupied by the enemy opposite Bimey's left. 

The Brigade occupied the fortification from which we had driven t 
enemy, where we remained until the f ollomng morning, Friday, during whi 
the battle raged over the entire field of action. At one o'clock, the Briga 
formed in line of battle to join in the general assault, but we maintained c 
position imtil dark and then advanced and dug rifle-pits, in which we remain 




until relieved at midnight. Our troops had reached a position from which 
shells were thrown into Petersburg. But Gten. Lee's army had now arrived, 
and that same night an overwhelming force of rebels was hurled against our 
troops, who were overpowered and compelled to withdraw. On Saturday, 
June 18th, another general assault was ordered to take place at daylight, but 
when our skirmishers advanced, it was found that the enemy had retired to a 
line of fortifications nearer Petersburg, and the assault was postponed until 
late in the afternoon. It resulted in a general repulse at every point of 
attack with great loss of life. The Mozarters participated in this final effort 
to capture Petersburg by assault, during which Gen. Bimey, in the tem- 
porary absence of Gten. Hancock on account of physical indisposition, had 
command of the Corps, and Gen. Mott, of the Division. After this unsuccess- 
ful attack had ceased, our Brigade occupied a position in the second line of 
defenses, where we remained until night, when we advanced to the front and 
erected breastworks, in which we remained untO Monday night. We were 
then relieved and ordered to retire behind the first line of defenses. It was 
now established that Petersburg could not be captured by direct assault. 
The Union Army had fought almost incessantly for three days and had lost 
nearly 10,000 men in killed, wounded, and missing, while the rebel loss had 
been much less owing to the protection afforded by impregnable fortifications. 
Gen. Grant was now satisfied that the city was too strongly fortified to be 
captured by assault, and he then began the Siege of Petersburg. 



The investment of Petersburg began immediately after Gen. Grant had 
concluded that the city could not be taken by assault. A systematic line of 
intrenchments was planned, and troops wielded the pick and shovel with 
remarkable effect. Our army now invested Petersbiu-g on the south and 
east, the line being nearly thirty miles in length. Petersburg was the great 
military supply depot of the rebel army, and several railroads connected the 
city with every part of the Confederacy from which army subsistence was 
obtained. These communications were of great importance to Gen. Lee, for 
without them he could not provision and maintain his army. Gen. Grant 
therefore proposed to obtain possession of these railroads, one of which con- 
nected Petersburg with Norfolk, and it was seized without diflSculty. The 
next to command attention was the Weldon Railroad, and an expedition was 
organized to seize and hold that great artery of rebel activity. The Second 
and Sixth Corps were selected to execute the movement, and at 9 o'clock 
on Tuesday morning, June 21st, the march to the left began, with our Corps in 
advance and Gen. Bimey in conunand. At about 3 o'clock that afternoon, 
the Brigade took position on the Jerusalem plank road which extends south- 
ward from Petersburg about half way between the Norfolk and Weldon rail- 
roads. In establishing our Unes, there occurred slight skirmishes, and we 
changed position frequently. The cavalry had been dispatched to destroy 
the railroad in advance of the infantry, but a spirited resistance was encoun- 
tered and the movement was suspended. Our Corps, however, was ordered 
to execute a flank movement around the right of the rebel intrenchments. 
This separated us from the Sixth Corps, and through the opening, the enemy 
penetrated. This created some confusion, and our scattered forces were 
driven back with the loss of many prisoners including several entire regiments 
of our Division, which were captured within the intrenchments they had 
hastily erected. The enemy then retired with their prisoners and the artil- 
lery they had also captured. We remained, while the cavalry proceeded 
to the railroad at Reams' Station, where several miles of railroad were 

This first effort to seize the Weldon Railroad was decidedly disastrous, 
and nearly three weeks of exhaustless effort resulted in a mere extension of 
our lines to the left for a moderate distance. Our regimental operations were 
now confined largely to fatigue duty, skirmishing, changing position, and 
picket duty. The heat during these last days of June and the early days of 
July was intense, but we were idle hardly an hour. By day and by night we 
used the spade and pick in constructing forts and roads for our supply wagons. 
In this manner passed the month of July. We were never at rest. Every 
day there was a skirmish or an engagement at some point of our line. Rebel 



sharpshooters were always watching for a chance to use their weapons against 
those who were so heedless as to expose themselves. Rebel batteries con- 
centrated their fire upon our workers and shells were constantly shrieking over 
us or dropping upon those who were in the trenches. Regardless of blazing 
sun and drenching storms, the work incessantly continued, while frequently, 
by night as well as day, we were summoned to make or repel sorties, or to 
engage in a more pretentious struggle with the enemy. In this way the army 
was employed, and thus, nearer and nearer, we advanced closer to the foe. 
Heavy batteries were mounted in our intrenchments and our lines were drawn 
closer and closer to the rebel fortifications. We could now defend our posi- 
tion with less troops, which enabled Gen. Grant to use them against the flanks 
of the enemy, and by the first of August, he was ready to renew his flanking 

Tuesday, June 28th, was noted in our regimental annals, for it witnessed 
the retirement of seven commissioned officers and ninety enlisted men who 
were honorably discharged by reason of the expiration of their term of enlist- 
ment. They had faithfully served three years and were now released, but 
they did not obtain transportation imtil July 6th. Of these ninety-seven 
men, twelve were original members of the Arlington Company, as follows : — 
Thomas Breslin, Henry C. Cobb, Edwin A. Frost, Winfield S. Hammond, 
Robert Jackson, Robert Jost, William M. Pa3me, PYancis Quinn, Horatio N. 
Shepard, Edwin E. Snow, Ammi C. Teel, and William S. Woods. Of these 
12 men, five are living, viz. : — Breslin, Cobb, Frost, Hammond and Quinn. 
There were others of the Arlington Company, who had a record of three years' 
service, but they had reenlisted or were sick in hospital, and the latter were 
discharged where they were located, while the former were not entitled to 
discharge. There were eight of the original Company who served four years, 
but only one of them. Col. Graves, was from Arlington. In addition to the 12 
ArUngton men who served three years, there were eleven others of the Com- 
pany, thus making a total of 23, who completed their term of enlistment, or 
nearly 25 per cent of the number originally mustered. Fourteen of the 
Arlington Company were either killed in battle or mortally wounded, and of 
these 14 men, five were enrolled in ArUngton, viz. : — Maj. A. S. Ingalls, Suel 
B. Ellis, A. H. Greenlaw, E. W. Thompson, and John B. Wiley. Another 
name should be added to this list of fataUties among the men from Arhngton, 
for Lieut. Francis Gould as surely died of his wound as any of the others 
named, although it was not until 12 years after he received the wound that it 
resulted in his death from blood-poisoning and resulting brain disturbance. 
Counting Lieut. Gould, 20 per cent of the Arlington men in the Company were 
killed. Twenty-one men were wounded additional to those killed or mortally 
wounded, making a total of 35 who were struck by rebel missiles, or more than' 
one-third of the entire Company. Three were wounded twice, and two of 
them were Arhngton men, viz. : — Thomas Breslin and Horace D. Durgin. 
The average length of service of the men who went from Arlington, lacked 
only a few days of two years, the exact time being 1 year, 11 months, 14 days. 

What is demonstrated by the above statistics, is appUcable to the other 
companies in the regiment, viz. : — that, when applied to the original regi- 
mental organization, the ratio of fatality was 14 per cent. As applied, how- 
ever, to the entire regimental enlistment, it was only 12 per cent. I claim no 


superiority for the Arlington Company, and present the statistics as having 
a local interest. 

A classification of the causes that terminated the military service of the 
101 men who formed the Arlington Company when it was mustered in at 
Yonkers, N. Y., June 27th, 1861, discloses the following results: — 

Honorably discharged for wounds or other disability 26 

Honorably discharged after sendng three years 24 

Honorably discharged after serving four years 7 

Killed in battle 10 

Died of wounds 4 

Died of disease 2 

Died in prison 2 

Dishonorably discharged 1 

Remained in the army after the war 1 

Fate unknown, but probably killed or taken prisoner 11 

Deserted or missing 13 

Total 101 

The thirteen deserters were principally recruits who served only a few 
days and disappeared before the regiment left Yonkers. There was only 
one deserter among the men from Arlington, and he is still living and still 
resides in the town. While with us, he performed his duty faithfully, and 
it affords me pleasure to state that he was highly commended by Capt. 
Ingalls for his conduct at the Battle of Williamsburg. He says his reason for 
deserting was "homesickness." 

There were three men who went with us from Arlington, who served in 
other companies, viz. : — John Locke, Andrew J. Kenney, and Thomas E. 
Banks. And still another, James H. Cole, who was mustered with the 
Newburjrport Company to fill a vacancy, and then transferred to the 
Arlington Company. Kenney was killed at Williamsburg, and Banks at 
Fredericksburg. Locke received a Commission in another company, and 
Cole served his full enlistment as Sergeant. Ten of the men enrolled 
in Arlington are now living, viz. : — Breslin, Cobb, Daniels, Fish, Fletdier, 
Floyd, Frost, Graves, Quinn, and Robbins. The average service of these 
eleven survivors was two years and four months. Five of them bear 
honorable scars received in battle. Speaking not of, or for myself, I may 
be permitted to say that the people of Arlington have reason for pride in 
the record of those the town sent forth to battle for the Nation's existence. 
The value of the military service of the Arlington contingent in the Mozart 
Regiment cannot be overrated. Nobler records of patriotism exist in no 
other town or city in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, or in any other 
State, and nowhere can there be found higher proof of devotion than animated 
the men of Arliagton who marched to Virginia under the command of Capt. 
Ingalls. As in 1775, so in 1861, there were men in Arlington with hearts 
that beat responsive to the demands of the hour. Likewise, there were men, 
and women too, who were ready to sustain the burden of war with their 
property, which they placed upon the altar of their country, and were ever 
willing to donate their possessions to preserve the National integrity. Truly 
they were patriots as well as those who went forth to battle. 




Resuming my narrative at the point of digression, it becomes necessary 
to state that the discharge of such a number of our regimental force made a 
reorganization imperative, and on July 7th a battalion of six companies was 
formed. This arrangement caused a surplus of officers, and Major Fletcher 
was mustered out with three others, as supernumeraries. Capt. Madison 
M. Cannon was then assigned by Gen. Birney, to command the battaUon. 
On Tuesday, July 12th, (Jen. De Trobriand returned to the army and was 
assigned to the command of our Brigade. He had retired from active service 
after the Mine Run campaign, by reason of regimental consoUdations which 
left him without a command. He reported at New York City, where he 
received his commission as Brigadier General, and was assigned to command 
the defenses of New York Harbor. After the Army of the Potomac had 
moved imder Gen. Grant, he apphed for active service in the field, and was 
ordered to report to Gen. Meade. He joined us at the front, and was heartily 
welcomed by officers and enlisted men. 

At this time, Gen. Bumside's Corps occupied a position directly in front 
of Petersburg, and at one point his troops were within 150 yards of a rebel 
fort, under which a mine was located with the design of destroying the forti- 
fication and its garrison. As the mine approached completion. Gen. Grant 
determined to make another assault upon Petersburg in conjunction with 
the explosion, and thus take advantage of the confusion that would naturally 
occur, to advance his lines and compel the surrender of the besieged city. 
Preparatory to this, however, Gen. Grant also decided to execute a threaten- 
ing movement against Richmond for the purpose of drawing from Petersburg 
a part of the rebel army to defend the Confederate Capital. Gen. Butler had 
some time previously been ordered to establish a fortified camp at Deep 
Bottom, across the James River, opposite Bermuda Hundred. The Union 
force at Deep Bottom, which was only ten nules from Richmond, was under 
the command of Gen. Foster, and the presence of this force near Richmond 
had so alarmed Gen. Lee that he posted a force of observation in front of the 
Union lines, and constructed a pontoon bridge by which he could reenforce 
that flank of his army if occasion required. Gen. Foster also held pontoon 
connection with Bermuda Hundred. 

The mine was to be exploded on the early morning of July 30th, and on 
Tuesday afternoon, July 26th, at five o'clock, the Second Corps received 
rations for four days and sixty rounds of ammunition, and started at once 
for City Point, which was our base of supphes and where the headquarters 
of Gen. Grant were located. 

At dark we crossed the Appomattox River on pontoons to Bermuda 
Hundred, and from there marched throughout the night to the James River, 


which we crossed to Deep Bottom at dawn of the 27th on the pontoon bridge 
that Gen. Foster had constructed. The expedition was under command 
of Gen. Hancock, and as Gen. Bimey had been promoted to the command of 
the Tenth Corps, Gen. Mott was assigned to command oiir Division. The 
Tenth Corps joined us at Bermuda Hundred, and on the morning of July 27th, 
the entire force had crossed the river. As we advanced to discover the enemy 
our skirmishers were ahnost immediately engaged. Gen. De Trobriand 
deployed our Brigade, and the Mozarters advanced across Strawberry Plains 
into a position as flankers and encountered considerable opposition. At our 
left there was a brisk fight resulting in the capture of a rebel battery and the 
retreat of the enemy. We followed for a mile or more, and then formed a 
picket line between our skirmishers and the river. The next day, July 28th, 
we remained in our position until 7.30 p.m., when Gen. Mott was ordered to 
withdraw. We recrossed the James River at 9 p.m. and arrived in front 
of Petersburg at daylight the next morning, July 29th, our Brigade con- 
necting with the right flank of Gen. Bumside's troops, where we remained 
during the day. The next morning, July 30th, we joined in the general 
action that prevailed along our entire front, during the assault that followed 
the explosion. 

The Mine Fiasco. 

Not suspecting the reason for this demonstration at Deep Bottom, and 
supposing that a genuine attack upon Richmond was contemplated. Gen. 
Lee transferred several Corps of his army from Petersbiu-g to defend Rich- 
mond. These rebel troops had hardly crossed the river before the explosion 
occurred. Gen. Bumside had issued instructions for the assault that was 
to follow the explosion of the mine, which was charged with four tons of 
gunpowder. The discharge of this immense quantity of powerful explosives 
was expected to produce a breach through which our columns could pass and 
occupy an elevation beyond, the possession of which would enable us to 
reduce the city and capture a large number of prisoners and a large amount 
of war material. When the explosion occurred the Union ArtUlery began a 
simultaneous bombardment of the rebel works, which was the signal for the 
assault by infantry, which advanced to the huge pit where formerly stood 
the fort. Into this pit the troops rushed and there remained, instead of 
continuing onward to the eminence beyond. Other divisions advanced one 
after the other, and charge followed charge in rapid succession, but the enemy 
soon recovered from the confusion incident to the unexpected event, and 
concentrated their artillery fire upon the troops huddled together in the pit, 
causing a stampede back to the Union lines, during which the carnage was 
unprecedented. The troops selected for the initial assault lacked the leader- 
ship necessary for such an undertaking, as they were commanded by 
officers who either did not comprehend the object of the assault, or who were 
incapable of executing the movement as it had been planned. The First 
Division of the Ninth Corps was chosen by Gen. Burnside for the storming 
column, and when the other Divisions of the Corps followed and reached the 
chasm, all control of the mass was lost and a scene of confusion and disorder 
ensued, while exploding shells made of the pit a veritable slaughter-pen, 
from which it was as difficult to retreat as to advance. Gen. Grant afterward 


spoke of this disaster as a "miserable affair," and it was decidedly the most 
humiliating event of the war. We lost over 4000 in killed and wounded, and 
we gained nothing. The rebels still held Petersburg, and the Union Army 
stUl held the same position as before the explosion. 

Our Division was relieved during the evening after the explosion, and we 
returned to the camp we left four days before, when ordered to Deep Bottom. 
Thus ended the Mine fiasco. The regimental loss was 5 officers and 46 men, 
which made an aggregate of 370 during the campaign under Gen. Grant. 
Of this number, 62 were killed, 226 wounded, and 82 missing, many of whom 
were taken prisoners, and some were never heard from again. 

Excepting the usual details for picket and fatigue duty, we remained 
quietly in camp for nearly two weeks after the mine explosion. Our life in 
the trenches, although often exciting, was generally monotonous. It was 
not always possible to remain obscured from the enemy just across the way, 
and rebel marksmen were very assiduous in their attentions to us. An 
exposed head, or even an arm, was sure to become a legitimate target for 
rebel rifle practice, hence we were in constant peril, and some did not escape. 
An interesting event to Mozarters occurred on Wednesday, Aug. 3d, 
1864, on which date the 74th New York Regiment was consolidated with 
the 40th. The Regiment was organized at Camp Scott, Long Island, and 
was mustered into the service of the United States for three years during 
the months of July, August and September, 1861. Fully equipped, it left 
the State Aug. 20th, 1861, and served continuously in the Army of the 
Potomac. One of the companies in this Regiment was recruited in Cambridge, 
and it went to New York for the same reason that the Arlington Company 
went there. The personnel of the Company had completely changed before 
the 74th came to us, and only two of the original Company that started from 
Cambridge were transferred to the Mozart ranks. Some of them had been 
killed, many wounded, and the others had been discharged for disability 
or after serving three years. In all, 179 men were consolidated with the 
Mozarters in two companies. The regimental casualties up to that time 
were 89 killed in battle, 35 mortally wounded, 10 deaths from disease, and 10 
deaths while held as prisoners. Total, 204. Some of the best fighting 
material came to us from this Regiment, and they made a good record under 
the Mozart banners, giving tone and character to the esprit de corps of the 
Regiment. The names of those transferred appear in the Roster. 

Successful Sthategt. 

During the torrid August days the pressure against the rebel lines was 
maintained and even augmented. Gen. Lee was so situated that whenever 
Richmond was menaced he was forced to withdraw troops from his lines 
near Petersburg. But Gen. Grant had no purpose to attempt the capture of 
Richmond by direct assault. He knew that the capture of the railroads upon 
which Gen. Lee depended to feed his army would cripple him and compel 
the surrender of Petersburg, which would also cause the fall of Richmond. 
He therefore began a series of military operations the first of which was a 
repetition of the maneuver at Deep Bottom, with the intention of drawing 
rebel troops from Petersburg to defend Richmond, and thus weaken 


the lines where he proposed another demonstration against the Weldon 

It was designed to attack at Deep Bottom and simultaneously advance 
against the railroad, these points being at the extreme flanks of the rebel 
army, and twenty miles apart. The Second Corps was again selected for the 
movement to Deep Bottom and likewise the Tenth Corps with a full Division 
of cavalry, and the whole detachment again in command of Gen. Hancock. 
'Preparations having been completed, we again started on the afternoon of 
Friday, Aug. 12th, and reached City Point that evening at 8 o'clock. The 
next morning we embarked on transports and first sailed down the river 
to deceive the enemy regarding our destination. That night the transports 
ascended the river to Deep Bottom, where we disembarked early the next 
morning, and advanced. We soon encountered the enemy, who were con- 
cealed in the woods, from which they were forced to retreat. On account of 
delay in landing, it was nearly dark before we made an attack, and then a 
violent storm interfered with our operations, but amid the thunder we main- 
tained a rapid artillery and musketry fire, without, however, being able to 
advance. The next day our demonstration was directed against the left of 
the rebel line by the Tenth Corps, the only result of which was the capture of 
four pieces of artillery. Our Brigade became involved twice during the day, 
but without any decisive advantage. On the following day the Mozarters, 
acting separately, captured one cannon and several wagonloads of ammuni- 
tion. There were no serious engagements during the next day, Wednesday, 
but skirmishing continued. The next morning the enemy manifested a 
disposition to attack by an advance of pickets, but the attempts were twice 
repulsed, while a serious engagement was in progress on the extreme right 
of our Une. It was evident that the rebels had been reenforced, and having 
accompUshed our mission and dravra troops from the other end of the rebel 
hne, orders were issued that evening for our Division to return to Petersburg. 
We crossed the Jam^s River at 10 p.m., and the Appomattox at 3 a.m. Four 
hours later we arrived in front of Petersburg and were ordered into the 
intrenchments at the left near the Norfolk Railroad, and connecting with the 
Eighteenth Corps. It was now Friday morning, and we had been absent just 
one week. The other two divisions of our Corps were ordered to remain at 
Deep Bottom to observe the enemy, but two days later they joined us at the 

The o£Scial report of Gen. Mott highly commended our Brigade and our 
Conunander, Gen. De Trobriand, for promptness and efficiency during the 
expedition, which fully accomplished the purpose of Gen. Grant. The rebel 
lines were weakened, and that enabled Gen. Warren to capture and hold the 
Weldon Railroad. 



When (Jen. Hancock arrived from Deep Bottom with the First and 
Se'cond Divisions of our Corps, he was immediately ordered to join the forces 
of Gren. Warren, who had succeeded in obtaining possession of the Weldon 
Raikoad after a desperate struggle. Gen. Hancock was ordered to destroy 
the railroad and both of his Divisions were thus engaged near Ream's Station, 
when the enemy attacked and succeeded in forcing a passage through the 
Union Unes. This compelled Gen. Hancock to withdraw, and that night the 
enemy also retired with many captives and nine pieces of Union artillery. 

During this engagement, our Division remained in the trenches extending 
from the Norfolk Railroad to the Jerusalem Plank Road. Fort Sedgwick, 
which was better known as "Fort Hell," was within our hnes, but was not 
yet completed. Its name was derived from the fact that it was nearer the 
rebel lines, and therefore was subjected to the hottest fire. In the absence 
of any official name, another redoubt near Fort Hell was designated aa 
"Fort Damnation," and it was never mentioned by any other appellation. 
At about this time, Sept. 4, 1864, Col. Egan was promoted to Brigadier 
General and assigned to the Second Brigade of the Second Division. 

On the night of Friday, Sept. 9th, and morning of Satmrday, Sept. 10th; 
Gen. De Trobriand made an attack upon the rebel picket Une along our front, 
which was so near the enemy that an attack would afford no time for defense. 
A part of our Brigade advanced, while the balance were held in line ready for 
action. The enemy was surprised, and in a few minutes we had complete 
possession of the coveted territory. In retaliation, the enemy, from a new 
line, concentrated a tremendous artillery fire upon Fort Hell which niade 
the name seem quite appropriate. We resorted to various expedients for 
protection from the rebel messengers, among which were bomb-proof trenches. 
There was an almost ceaseless exchange of musketry and artillery firing by 
night and day, and it continued during the entire month of September with 
some casualties, but not so many as might have been expected under such 
circumstances. Our achievement was very pleasing to Gen. Mott, who, in 
an official order, spoke of it as follows: — 

I have tlie honor to report that the officers and men engaged in the operation did 
their duty most gallantly, and performed the work entrusted to them in a manner 
worthy of their old services and well earned reputation. Thanks are due to Brig. Gen. 
De Trobriand, commanding First Brigade, who had a general supervision of this dif- 
ficult movement, and gave it his undivided attention; and to my other brigade com- 
manders, who performed their part to my entire satisfaction; also to the different 
battery commanders on the line, who fully carried out instructions, and effectively 
silenced the guns of the enemy that opened upon us. 

A pause of about one month now ensued, during which there were several 
reconnoissances and the usual activities between skirmishers and pickets. 



During the last days of September, Gen. Grant resimied his operations by 
directing a movement in person against Richmond, which, however, was 
only introductory to another flank attack upon the left, to obtain possession 
of the Southside Railroad. For this new demonstration Gen. Grant 
employed the troops of Gen. Butler, under whose command they started 
during the night of Wednesday, Sept. 28th, from Bermuda Hundred to Deep 
Bottom, where they arrived the next morning. They immediately went into 
action and overcame the enemy, gradually forcing them from one fortification 
into another. There was desperate fighting all that day, and when Friday 
dawned, Gen. Bimey and his troops were within three miles of Richmond. 
Just then it became apparent that Gten. Lee had drawn heavy reenforce- 
ments from the other flank of his army, which was what Gen. Grant sought to 
induce his antagonist to do. Then Gen. Grant hurried back to the vicinity 
of his real objective, and ordered an advance, under Gen. Warren, in the 
direction of Poplar Spring Church and Peeble's Farm, where the enemy was 
found to be intrenched. An attack was made Sept. 30th, and the Union 
forces captured a line of fortifications and several hundred prisoners. While 
this was transpiring, an advance was made along the Boydton Plank Road, 
and our Division was summoned from the trenches to the assistance of the 
Ninth Corps, which had been fiercely assailed and forced back. We advanced 
rapidly, and reached the front in a pouring rain storm. We were ordered to 
the left of the line of battle, where we remained during the night. An advance 
was ordered the next morning, when it was found that the enemy had evacu-- 
ated. We continued to advance, but with difficulty, through the woods, 
from which we emerged to find rebel skirmishers awaiting us. They retreated 
to the main line of intrenchments, in front of which we began to fortify. 
After a few days, our Division was relieved and we returned to Fort Hell. 
Although the Union army had not succeeded in seizing the Southside Railroad, 
we had gained a position from which operations could be conducted with 
great advantage. 

Gen. Butler also succeeded, at the other end of the rebel line, in holding the 
advanced position he had readied, and although Gen. Lee attacked viciously, 
his repeated efforts to dislodge our troops were unavailing. Thus, gradually, 
the Union Army was progressing and accomphshing the great achievement 
at which Gen. Grant was aiming. The army was confident of final triumph, 
and notwithstanding the enormous losses we had sustained, the sentiment 
prevailed among the troops that we must fight on imtil the rebel army had 
been vanquished. We were continually receiving recruits, while Gen. Lee 
had drained the South of fighting material, and besides, he was losing many of 
his soldiers by desertion. 

News reached us Oct. 19th, by telegraph, of the death of Gen. Birney in 
Philadelphia. Only two weeks previous to this sad event, Gen. Birney was 
at the front with Gen. Butler, but greatly weakened physically by the exciting 
and arduous duties he had so long sustained in fighting the enemies of his 
country. He could never boast of a strong constitution, and he should 
have left the army sooner. Col. Graves of Arlington, who was serving upon 
his staff, accompanied the General to his home and remained with him imtil 
the end. It was by him, also, that the dispatch annoimcing the death of his 
Chief was signed. 


The Boydton Plank Road. 

Preparatory to another movement against the Southside Raihoad, Gen. 
Grant, accompanied by Gen. Meade, inspected the lines along our Corps front 
on Friday, Oct. 21st, and the official reports indicate that the position of the 
army was entirely satisfactory. At this time, the Mozarters occupied Fort 
Blaisdell, but with only 15 officers and 236 enlisted men on duty. Scores of 
our mmiber were sick in hospital, and our ranks now contained less than one 
half the number with which we started in May across the Rapidan, and not- 
withstanding our accessions from the 74th Regiment and the recruits who had 
joined us from New York, we now had many less than the maximum of three 
companies. The Brigade contained ten regiments, each of which showed the 
same depletion through the severity of the campaign. 

The new movement began on Thursday morning, Oct. 27th, at half-past 
three, with our Brigade in advance of the Corps. The force consisted of the 
entire army excepting the necessary details for holding our Une of fortifica- 
tions. The object of the movement was to turn the right flank of the enemy, 
which would give us possession of the Southside Raiboad and Petersburg 
itself. We crossed Hatcher's Run with slight opposition and then marched 
in the direction of the Boydton Plank Road, which we reached at noon, with- 
out encountering much resistance. Our Brigade was formed in line across the 
road, and other dispositions were made by Gen. Hancock for attacking the 
enemy. While we awaited intelligence from the other two Corps on the right, 
an order was received from Gen. Meade to suspend the movement. The 
Fifth Corps had failed to captive the rebel intrenchments in front, and the 
Ninth Corps made no attack in consequence of defenses which were too 
formidable for assault. 

In moving to the left our Corps had become separated from its connection 
with the Fifth Corps, and we thus occupied a detached position two miles dis- 
tant from the remainder of the army. Dense forests interfered with the 
attempt to form a junction, and the detached bodies found it difficult to ascer- 
tain their respective locations. In this dilemma the enemy attacked our 
isolated position and a desperate conffict ensued. The assault was delivered 
against our Division, and from a direction not anticipated, viz. : — the rear. 
In the absence of Gen. Gibbon, the Second Division was in command of Gen. 
Egan, who faced his troops to the rear, and hotly assailed the rebels and forced 
them back. Our Brigade coimtermarched and assailed with an irresistible 
rush that drove the enemy from the field with the loss of several colors and 
nearly one thousand prisoners. This repulse was so decisive that the enemy 
dared not renew the attack. Darkness began to gather and the enemy with- 
drew. Although victorious where we had met the enemy, we had again failed 
to accomplish oiu* purpose, and that night we marched back to the intrench- 
ments of Petersburg. Our aggregate loss exceeded 1500 men, which was 
almost entirely confined to our Corps. The Mozarters escaped with one 
killed and seven wounded, which, however, was the average regimen- 
tal casualty. The following are extracts from official reports of our 



I also sent word to Gen. De Trobriand, to take up a new line with the balance of 
his command along this road (Boydton) and to hold it at all hazards. About the time 
it was formed, a charge was ordered by Gen. Hancock, which was gallantly responded 
to by the 40th New York, 20th Indiana, 99th and 110th Pennsylvania regiments, 
commanded by Gen. De Trobriand in person, driving the enemy and clearing the open 
fields from wUch they had pressed us. 


The line of battle was formed across the open field on both sides of the road and 
covered on both wings by dense pine woods. Such was our position imder a brisk 
shelling. In the afternoon, the successful advance of our forces for several miles, and 
the extension of our line to a distance which could but weaken its solidity, the enemy 
charged vigorously at the point of our connection with the Fifth Corps and breaking 
through, threatened to cut off two Brigades from the balance of our operating forces. 
The danger could not be mistaken and was rapidly increasing, as that portion of our 
troops near the point of attack, was giving away on both sides. I at once ordered a 
change of front to the rear so as to face the enemy, when by order of Gen. Mott, I 
formed a new line along the road we came by, which I had to defend " at all hazards. " 
On the left, I then formed the First Maine Heavy Artillery along the Boydton pike in 
conformity with direct orders from Gen. Hancock. The line was scarcely completed 
when th| order to charge was given, and with a will, onward went the 40th New York, 
20th Indiana, 99th and 110th Pennsylvania regiments, cheering lustily. I joined 
them at once and up we went, driving the enemy before us and clearing the whole of 
the open field where they were pressing our men. 

Both Glen. Grant and Gen. Meade accompanied this expedition, and the 
engagement of our Corps was highly praised by them. Gen. Egan had never 
before commanded a Division, but he acquitted himself with his usual daring. 
In fact, on the day following the battle. Gen. Grant sent a telegram to the Sec- 
retary of War in which he said, "Gen. Meade says: — 'I am induced to 
believe the success of the operation was mainly due to the personal exertions 
of Major General Hancock, and the conspicuous gallantry of Brigadier General 
Egan.' " 

In his official report of this engagement Gen. Egan highly complimented 
his men, and the praise applied to our Division. Although Gen. Egan was not 
our Commander in this engagement, we yet were highly gratified at his success 
and we claimed to share his honors, because he was a product of the Mozart 
Regiment. It was as our Colonel that he received his military education, 
and it was because of our support that he fought so bravely, and advanced by 
promotion to become a Brigadier General, in which rank he achieved renown 
and distinction throughout the army with which we were connected. Had 
Gen. Egan never been a Mozarter, he might never been a General. 

Soon after this date, Nov. 14th, 1864, Gen. Egan was very seriously 
woimded in front of our intrenchments, and he retired, never to return to the 
Army of the Potomac. Upon his recovery in March, 1865, he was assigned 
to duty with Gen. Hancock, who was organizing a Corps of Veteran Soldiers 
in Washington for special duty in Northern Virginia, where Gen. Egan was 
second in command until his retirement from the Army in 1866. 





Soon after the engagement along the Boydton Plank'Eoad, Gen. Hancock 
was ordered to Washington for the purpose of organizing another Army Corps, 
and he was succeeded in the command of our Corps by Gen. Andrew A. Hum- 
phreys, who had been acting as Chief of Staff to Gen. Meade. Before his 
departure Gen. Hancock issued a Farewell Address, which was read at Dress 
Parade in the camp of each regiment of our Corps, together with the accep- 
tance of Gen. Humphreys. 

The days and weeks of November, during which there was an incessant 
warfare, passed without any general engagement, and we remained inactive, 
although there was constant toil and constant danger. Appearances indi- 
cating some movement by the enemy, a new disposition of our troops was 
made on the night of Nov. 5th, and oiu" Division was assigned to the line 
between Fort Davis and Fort Hell, with reserves in rear. That night an 
attack was made by overwhelming numbers upon the pickets of our Division, 
some of whom were captured, and our picket line was held by the enemy. 
Later the same night our Division attacked along the same line and succeeded 
in recapturing our ground and taking 42 prisoners, including one commis- 
sioned officer. The next morning we found 12 dead rebels along the picket 
line where they fell. Intrenching tools and twenty muskets also came into 
our possession. Our loss was four kUled and fifteen wounded. 

Soon after this encounter Gen. De Trobriand made a report to Gen. Mott 
concerning the rations issued by the Commissary Department, in which he 
declared that salt fish instead of salt beef was unsatisfactory to the men. He 
also complained of the quality of the haversacks recently issued, which did 
not protect the food on the march in rainy weather. A deficiency in weight 
was also mentioned, and he recommended that the ration of hard bread be 
increased and that salt fish be eliminated. 

A few days after this manifesto. Gen. Hancock issued a statement ad- 
dressed to Gen. Meade in behalf of our C6rps, from which, to verify previous 
remarks concerning the incessant activity of the Mozarters and their asso- 
ciates during the operations against Petersburg, I quote the following: — 

My command has been under fire in front of Petersburg for two months and a half, 
holding the only part of the lines of the army in close proximity to the enemy. They 
have been subjected night and day, to the fire of artillery, and have frequently been 
engaged in considerable picket skirmishes. I have about 2000 men on picket daily, 
and 1600 of these are in action, it may be said, day and night. The troops in the 
enclosed works and rifle pits are subjected to a constEint fire from the enemy's mortars 
and are obliged to live in tmdergroimd holes and bomb-proofs, and are called upon 
almost nightly to get under arms and to be in readiness to resist an attack. They 
cannot even walk about in safety in their own camp, on account of the danger of stray 
bullets, mortar shells, or the fire of sharpshooters. They have no opportimity for drill 



or instruction. From the left of my Corps to the left of the army, I believe there is 
hardly a place where the enemy are in sight. The troops are not harassed by being 
called up in the night, or by constant skirmishing during the day, and their camps are 
not disturbed by the enemy's artillery. They are comfortably camped by regiments 
and brigades, with abundant opportunity for drill, instruction and exercise. I submit 
that my command has been a long time without rest and in a state of constant and 
wearing strain, and has been very disadvantageously situated in every respect com- 
pared with the other Corps. I do not speak of it complainingly, and do not know that 
there is any remedy for it, but conirider it a proper matter to lay before the Major 
General commanding the army. 

With the beginning of December our Corps was ordered from the vicinity 
of Fort Hell to the extreme left of the Union Une, where we began to prepare 
winter quarters. A few dajrs later, however, an expedition was organized to 
destroy the Weldon Railroad south of the point to which our former devasta- 
tion extended. Gen. Lee had been making use of the road to bring supplies 
for his army from the South to a point near our left flank, from which he 
carted the subsistence to Petersburg. It was determined to cripple the enemy 
by destroying the railroad to a more distant point, from which supphes coidd 
not be so conveniently transported in wagons. 

The expedition was intrusted to Gen. Warren, and the forces employed 
were the Fifth Corps, our Division of the Second Corps, and a Division of 
cavalry. We started on Wednesday, Dec. 7th, and were provisioned with 
rations for six days. Each of us also carried 100 rounds of cartridges. We 
began the movement at early morning, and reached the Nottoway River at 
dark, covering a distance of 20 miles. We crossed that evening on pontoons 
and bivouacked in the fields. The next morning we continued on to Jarratt's 
Station, arriving at sunset. The next morning, Friday, we commenced the 
work of destruction, which continued all day and during the evening, until 
20 miles of rails had been made unserviceable by fire that was appUed to huge 
piles of ties, upon which the iron rails were deposited. A part of the force was 
always under arms while the work was proceeding, to guard against the enemy, 
which we did not encounter until we had reached Hicksford, across the 
Meherrin River, where the enemy had erected fortifications. We forced the 
rebel skirmishers across the river, and having accompUshed our task, Gen. 
Warren concluded that it was not necessary to proceed, and on Saturday we 
marched back and bivouacked near Sussex Court House. On Sunday we 
recrossed the Nottoway and bivouacked five miles beyond the river, along the 
Jerusalem Plank Road. On Monday we returned to our lines before Peters- 
burg, having marched over 100 miles, and encamped near the HaUfax Road. 
Our mission had been eminently successful, and Gen. Lee was thereafter 
compelled to adopt another method for supplying his army with subsistence. 

During these six busy days the temperature had become very severe and 
a terrible rain storm added to our discomforts. At Sussex Court House we 
learned that the planters in that vicinity had organized a band of guerrillas 
and had murdered some of the Union soldiers they had captured. After this 
intelligence had been verified, a verbal order was given by some one unknown, 
to apply the torch in punishment of the atrocity. The Court House was 
burned and the buildings on several plantations where our men had been 
assassinated, together with hay, cotton, and grain, wherever it was found. 
During the conflagration a tavern not far distant, containing several of 


the guilty murderers, was burned, together with the villains it sheltered. 
WhUe we tarried at Sussex Court House, Gen. Warren sent a dispatch to Gen. 
Meade, which was transmitted to Gen. Grant, who wired it to Washington, 
which shows with what importance our work was regarded. 

Hatcher's Rtoi. 

Comparative quiet prevailed after the Hicksford Raid for nearly two 
months, and we passed the inclemency of winter in huts and such tents as 
could be procured. There was the same routine of camp and picket duty 
during the time, with occasional skirmishes, but no assaults or maneuvering 
until early in February, when another attempt was made to extend our lines 
westward from the Weldon Railroad with the same object in view as the 
movement in October, which was to flank the enemy and seize the Southside 
Railroad. The rebel army was strongly posted along Hatcher's Run, which 
was a small stream that then furnished water power for innumerable mills 
along its course and flowed into the Rowanty River, which is a tributary of 
the Nottoway. 

The utmost secrecy prevailed regarding the proposed movement, and 
even our Generals of Divisions were not aware of any contemplated operation 
until they received a " confidential " communication dated Feb. 4th, directing 
them to make preparations to move with four days' rations and fifty rounds 
of ammunition on the person and the same quantity in the wagons, together 
with beef cattle, ambulances, and intrenching tools. The troops designated 
to engage in the undertaking were the Second and Fifth Corps and a Division 
of cavalry. Even the route of march was concealed until the troops were 
actually ready to move, and then it was communicated verbally by a staff 
officer. The formal order, however, specified every detail of position and 
equipment, but it was not promulgated until midnight preceding the time for 
starting, which was 7 o'clock on Sunday morning, Feb. 6th. The order of 
march assigned our Brigade to move in advance of the column. After the 
movement began it was found that, while the design was identical with that 
in October, the troops were now reversed. Instead of operating on the left 
rebel flank, we were assigned to attack the intrenched Une along Hatcher's 
Run. While these movements were in progress the Di^asion of cavalry 
proceeded south to Ream's Station, thence westward to Dinwiddle Court 
House, distant ten miles. This was a diversion, however, to mask the 
infantry movements. 

Our Brigade started promptly at the designated hour by way of the 
Vaughan Road to the point where it crosses Hatcher's Run, distant eight 
miles west of the Weldon Railroad. As we advanced to cross the stream a 
force of the enemy attempted to delay our progress, but under the personal 
leadership of Gen. De Trobriand, a charge was made across an open field, 
whereupon the enemy abandoned his position and we reached the stream with- 
out further opposition. We found, however, the bridge destroyed, and the 
stream so obstructed that it was impossible for horses to cross. Immense 
holes had been excavated in the bed of the stream, and enormous logs choked 
the channel. This, however, did not prevent our crossing, although we were 
obliged to jump from log to log, one by one, to reach the opposite bank. Even 
Gen. De l^obriand dismounted and himself crossed by jumping from one log 


to another. We found intrenchments on the other side, from which the 
enemy was driven after considerable opposition. We then established a line 
of pickets beyond, and occupied the captiured rebel intrenchments, in advance 
of which, we erected rifle pits and a redoubt that protected us from rebel 
attacks in other directions. 

Gen. Meade was in conunand of the forces, and on Monday morning he 
ordered several reconnoissances to ascertain if the enemy occupied their 
fortified line or an advanced position. The Mozarters were ordered forward, 
supported by another regiment, and rebel skirmishers acting in front of our 
line were driven back and we advanced to establish connection with the Fifth 
Corps on our left. 

Upon our right the Second Division of our Corps, under Gen. Smyth, was 
diverted up the stream to Armstrong's MiU, where the enemy was located in 
considerable force behind strong intrenchments. Several fierce attacks were 
made upon our troops there, all of which were stubbornly and successfully 
resisted without great loss. The next day this force was overpowered by 
rebel reenf orcements and compelled to retire to the position we had gained, 
and quickly intrenched at Hatcher's Run. The rebels followed our troops, 
and when they confronted our Division, a fierce engagement ensued in which 
the enemy was so decidedly repulsed that they hastily retreated. During the 
following night our Brigade was ordered to return to Hatcher's Ran. where 
we had crossed, but it appeared that a threatened attack there was miscon- 
ceived, and we were ordered back to our former position. During this recon- 
noissance, our Division sustained a loss of 13 killed and 55 woimded, but the 
Mozarters escaped with only two men wounded. 

We held the ground from which we had forced the enemy, and immediately 
began to fortify our position, and fatigue details from all the regiments 
worked by day and night to make our line secure with earthworks and 
abattis. The forests all along our front were leveled to the ground by sturdy 
axmen, for a distance in front of nearly half a mile, and the fallen trees 
were used for the construction of abattis. The Mozarters changed position 
in a few days, moving farther to the right of our line, near Armstrong's Mill. 
On Saturday, Feb. 11th, the forests had disappeared as far as oiu- picket line, 
but our earthworks were not yet completed, and regular details continued to be 
made from aU the regiments of each Brigade, and even the location of camps 
was postponed until the fortifications were finished, when camp grounds were 
selected about 100 feet in rear of the breastworks. And still we continued 
erecting new intrenchments and consolidating and concentrating. Every 
day there were collisions with the enemy, and often fierce interchanges 
between the hostile batteries. Thus we held the position we had conquered 
and were ten miles nearer the Southside Railroad, upon which Gen. Lee prin- 
cipally depended for his supplies. 

While the Army of the Potomac, under Gen. Grant, was gradually encir- 
cling Petersburg and Richmond, Gen. Sherman was cooperating in the South. 
He had captured Atlanta, and from there had marched to Savannah, and was 
now advancing through Georgia and the Carolinas to unite with Gen. Grant 
and complete the investment of the rebel Capital. As he marched, all the 
railroads and resources which might aid Gen. Lee, should he retreat and 
attempt to prolong the rebellion, were destroyed. 



Gen. Mott had been wounded in the engagement at Hatcher's Run, and 
Gen. De Trobriand assumed temporary command of the Division, soon after 
which he endeavored to mitigate a hardship unnecessarily imposed upon the 
Division, through a communication to the Corps Conunander calhng attention 
to the fact that one-tenth of the men in the Division were required to remain 
under arms at night, and requesting that the order be suspended. He 
argued that the defenses were strong and well guarded, and that artillery 
protected the lines in every direction. As the result of this communication, 
the order was rescinded. 


All through the campaign from the Rapidan to Petersburg, Gen. Lee 
had been content to act upon the defensive, but now, his right flank having 
been completely demolished, he saw, with Glen. Sherman's army hastening 
on to unite with Gen. Grant, that there was no hope of maintaining his position 
unless he could disrupt the Union Army in front of Petersburg and thus open 
the most direct route to retreat southward, where he could join the army 
of Gen. Johnston with which to overthrow Gen. Sherman. The idea was 
born of desperation, for Gen. Lee knew that the Confederacy was doomed 
unless aU of the rebel forces covdd be concentrated. It had been Gen. 
Grant's purpose to hold Lee's army at Petersburg imtil Sherman could 
arrive and assist in crushing out the life of the rebellion, but anticipating 
what would inevitably happen if he remained in Petersburg until the approach 
of Gen. Sherman's army. Gen. Lee determined to assail the Union lines 
with the intent of forcing the withdrawal of troops from his right flank, 
where we were strongest, and thus create a breach through which he might 
pass with his army. Had this plan been successfully executed, the Union 
Army would have been divided and compelled to concentrate at the point 
assailed, thus contracting our lines and enabling the rebel army to withdraw 
and escape the predicament that would necessarily have resulted. With 
the Union Army in the position it had gradually wrested from Gen. Lee, he 
could not retreat along the only available route, and it was therefore necessary 
for him to undertake some movement that would remove the obstacle in his 
pathway, or surrender his army. 

It was not then known that Gen. Lee had planned to evacuate Petersburg 
early in March, but had later found it unsafe to attempt the experiment, 
which was eminently dangerous on account of the proximity of his antago- 
nist, but as I write, it is a historical fact that Gcen. Lee had prepared to 
retreat along the line of the Danville Railroad but found that the tension 
of the Union lines had brought our left flank so near the roads by which he 
must withdraw that his retreat would be a perilous undertaking. Gen. Lee 
did not intend to fight a battle when he resolved to attack, but simply to 
create a diversion that he hoped might relieve him from the dilemma in 
which he was situated. He therefore decided to strike a blow so sudden as 
to stagger his opponent and possibly create conditions that would allow him 
to retire before the Union Army could recover from the panic it was hoped 
to produce. 

The morning of Saturday, March 25th, was the time, and Fort Steadman 
the point selected for the assault. This fort covered about an acre of ground 



and was situated not over two hundred yards from the rebel lines. Before 
the dawn had changed to day, the rebels charged across the intervening space, 
and Fort Steadman was in their possession before its garrison had been 
alarmed, and its nine guns were at once directed against the neighboring 
works, several of which were captured. The attack was so sudden and 
unexpected that some time elapsed before the true situation was compre- 
hended. But the rebels made a fatal mistake by not supporting their 
storming divisions, and thus occurred the opportunity to bring the Union 
troops to the scene of the disaster. Our artillery was soon brought into 
action, and an infantry attack speedily resulted in driving the enemy from 
the works they had captured and back to their lines with a loss of 3000 men 
in killed, woxmded, and prisoners, 1800 of whom had been captured. 

While this was occurring on our right, our forces on the left were ready 
to march when information came to us that Fort Steadman and the other 
batteries captured by the enemy had been retaken. Conjecturing that the 
enemy must have drawn a part of his force for the assault upon Fort Stead- 
man from the vicinity of Hatcher's Run, Gen. Meade ordered an attack 
upon the rebel Unes in front of our Corps. It was about noon when this 
order was received by Gen. Humphreys and Gen. Mott, and an immediate 
advance was made. Our Brigade charged, and the rifle pits occupied by 
the enemy were captured with more than 100 prisoners, after which the 
ground we held was recovered by the rebels and again captured. The 
engagement was quite spirited, but we held our position although a profusion 
of shells were constantly bursting about us. The enemy soon made another 
charge and again forced us from the rifle pits which, however, we captured 
and occupiied for the third time. We then moved to a position where there 
were no rifle pits and sustained another attack, but the ground was held and 
the enemy retired. While we were thus engaged, other portions of the line 
were under a no less determined fire, and at our right an Alabama regiment 
was surrounded and captured. During a lull in the strife we erected tem- 
porary works along the captured line, where the Mozarters remained until 
nearly dark. At twihght, another attack was made on the left of our 
Brigade Une, which was abandoned, and in consequence of a cross-fire upon 
our position, we also retired to the cover of the woods. We had quite a 
number of drafted men in our ranks, and some of them were never before 
in an engagement. At first, they were unsteady under fire, but after we 
had re-formed in the woods they were more reliable when we again advanced 
to our place on the firing line. It was dark when we changed position to 
the left to occupy a vacancy in the line, where we remained until relieved 
by another regiment, and then we returned to camp, where we arrived at mid- 
night. The Mozart loss was two killed, ten wounded, and four missing. 
The next day we buried 56 dead rebels who had perished in front of our 

Thus ended the boldest miUtary expedient that Gen. Lee ever attempted. 
It was a complete failure and resulted in the sacrifice of 2000 of his soldiers 
and a loss of as many more who were taken prisoners. On our side, we 
obtained the advantage of occup3dng a strongly intrenched picket line 
which proved valuable in subsequent operations. This was the final 
ofifensive movement of Gen. Lee, and it only tightened the grip of the Union 


Army that now nearly surrounded the rebel chieftain and the cities he 

When Gen. Lee made his attack upon the Ninth Corps on March 25th, as 
related in the preceding chapter, he was unaware that Gen. Grant had 
already issued orders for an advance of the. Union army on Wednesday, 
March 29th, but it is the fact that on the previous day all of the details 
for another flanking movement had been promulgated. The order, a copy 
of which had been deUvered to each Corps Commander before Gen. Lee's 
assault began, was dated at City Point, March 24th, and it outlined every 
movement of each Corps and detailed what was expected of each Com- 
manding Officer in general and under certain contingencies. The scheme 
was exactly the same as had been practiced all through the campaign under 
Gen. Grant, who now aimed to compel the evacuation of Petersburg, which 
would also insure the fall of Richmond. 

The attempt of Gen. Lee to escape in the manner described in the last 
chapter did not interrupt the movement planned by Gen. Grant, and 
promptly on the day appointed, the Union Army left its encampments, never 
to return. The Fifth Corps, under Gen. Warren, was on the extreme left 
of the Une, and our Corps was next in line under Gen. Himiphre3rs. The 
cavalry, imder Gen. Sheridan, was an important factor, for he was ordered 
to "cut loose" from the army and proceed to destroy the Southside and 
Danville railroads, but this order was subsequently modified by Gen. Grant, 
who, during the night of March 29th, sent a communication to Gren. Sheridan 
in which he said : — "I now feel like ending the matter, if it is possible to do 
so. I do not want you to cut loose and go after the enemy's roads at present. 
In the morning, push around the enemy, and get on to his right rear. We 
will act all together, as one army here, imtil it is seen what can be done with 
the enemy." 

The movement began at early morning, and while the Fifth Corps made 
a wide detour southward to reach the turning point, our Corps crossed 
Hatcher's Run several miles up the stream from where the Fifth Corps crossed. 
The two Corps advanced together after connecting in the direction of the 
enemy's right flank. Gen. Warren first encountered the enemy, and a brisk 
engagement resulted in a repulse of the rebels and the capture of 100 prison- 
ers. The Union loss was 370 killed and wounded. Our Corps continued 
to advance, but we moved slowly as our route was through a dense forest, 
from which we had hardly emerged when darkness prevented farther pro- 
gress. We had approached the rebel line of battle against heavy skirmishing 
and then bivouacked for the night, during which Gen. Lee massed his entire 
available army to prevent the loss of his lines of communication, which 
he knew was the objective of the Union army. A severe storm interfered 
with operations dining the following day, and aggressive movements were 
suspended except that our line of battle was extended closer to the rebel 

Soon after two o'clock on Friday morning, March 31st, our Brigade was 
ordered to advance, and we marched to the left in the direction of Gen. War- 
ren, whose troops now faced the extreme right flank of the enemy, where Gen. 
Lee had massed for an attack, which was soon precipitated by an advance in 
force against a single division of the Fifth Corps. Our Brigade was then in 


reserve for the support of the First Division under Gen. Miles, who passed to 
the assistance of Gen. Warren. There was a brief conflict and the enemy fled 
behind intrenchments. Many prisoners were taken, including a Virginia regi- 
ment entire. As Gen. Miles advanced, we occupied his position, which we 
commenced to fortify, but we soon advanced again and forced the rebel skir- 
mishers back to their line of battle. We remained in this position under a 
heavy artillery fire, and checked another advance of skirmishers. 

We had thwarted Gen. Lee, who did not succeed in his forcible attempt to 
arrest our progress. While the infantry was thus engaged, Gen. Sheridan 
had occupied Dinwiddle Court House, several miles southwest of the Union 
left flank, while we were within four miles of a locality called Five Forks, 
which derived its name from the intersection of several other roads with the 
White Oak Road, along which our advance had proceeded. Gen. Sheridan 
had also advanced and taken possession of Five Forks, the fortifications of 
which were not heavily garrisoned, but when the retreating rebel army we had 
forced back, reached there, Gen. Sheridan was obliged to evacuate and return 
to Dinwiddle, where he succeeded in maintaining his position against a 
large body of infantry that pursued him. At night these rebel troops 
returned to Five Forks, barely escaping capture on the march by the 
advance of our attacking columns. We bivouacked that night in line of 
battle, with the Second and Third Divisions on our right and left, 

At four o'clock the next morning, Saturday, April 1st, our Brigade was 
ordered to resume its position of the previous morning, about 100 yards in 
reserve of the Second and Third Brigades. The Fifth Corps had been 
directed against the force at Five Forks late in the afternoon, and a single 
Division charged the intrenchments, which were captured, together with over 
1000 prisoners. Another Division attacked at another point, and captured 
more than 1500 prisoners, while the remaining Division took possession of 
the fort it assailed, and captured the balance of the defending rebels. On our 
left, another attack was made upon a single redoubt, which was captured 
with the bayonet, and nearly two entire Divisions of rebel infantry fell into 
our hands. That afternoon our Brigade was ordered to the rear to guard 
against a threatened attack, but at dusk we resumed our position at the 
front, and were soon ordered to advance and reconnoiter. Three regiments 
were ordered forward, the other seven regiments of our Brigade being held 
ready to advance if necessary. Darkness prevailed, and the line proceeded 
slowly until within charging distance, when, with a shout and a rush for- 
ward, the rifle pits were reached and captured, amid a fierce storm of 
musketry that failed, however, to stop the onslaught. We found the rebels 
in force in the woods beyond, and that knowledge was the object of the 
movement. Having ascertained the fact, our troops were ordered to retire. 
Other attacks were constantly made along the line to prevent concentration. 
This force of the enemy was now entirely separated from the immediate 
command of Gen. Lee, to whom our Corps prevented their return. Our 
cavalry assailed them in front and flank, and finally charged through the 
intrenchments, forcing them in disorderly flight westward. They were pur- 
sued into the night, and nearly 5000 of their number became prisoners of war. 
Thus was thoroughly demolished the right wing of the rebel army, to 


accomplish which every effort had for months been directed. During this 
series of engagements between Dinwiddie and Five Forks our Corps was 
almost constantly in action, and although refreshing sleep was impossible, 
we were glad to have an opportunity for a few hours of rest. Thus ended 
the Battle of Five Forks, after four days of exhausting struggles, which ended 
with the overwhelming defeat of Gen. Lee, who hurled the most reliable 
troops of his army at the Union columns. It was a grand victory that we 
achieved, and it prepared the way for the final triumph of our arms. 

During these four days of successive desperate engagements, Gen. Grant 
and Gen. Meade were at and near the points of greatest resistance, and issuing 
orders from the saddle according as they personally witnessed the struggles of 
troops who were inspired by their presence and who felt assured that they 
were being safely directed by the superior intelligence of their great Com- 



Immediately after the Battle of Five Forks a constant artillery &e was 
maintained against the fortifications of Petersburg, and frequent infantry- 
attacks were made all along the line. A more powerful assault was ordered 
in front of Fort Fisher and Fort Hell, and in preparation for that event, two 
Divisions of our Corps, with other troops, were ordered back to the positions 
formerly held on the Boydton Road. We started at two o'clock on the morn- 
ing of Sundaj', April 2d, and two hours later we had reached our allotted 
places within the intrenchments, having been harmlessly attacked while en 

At four o'clock that morning while our artillery was maintaining a furious 
cannonade, our assaulting columns advanced and succeeded at three points in 
breaking through the outer line of rebel intrenchments, which Union soldiers 
had never before penetrated. We could now pass nearer Petersburg, and we 
proceeded along the Boydton Road until within the suburbs of the city which 
had so long resisted our attacks. On the route we passed Gen. Grant, whose 
headquarters had been established at an insignificant dwelling house. Our 
great General was seated upon the portico, complacently smoking and listen- 
ing to the reports of his Generals and their aids. We were stiU, however, 
outside of Petersburg, between which and our Army there yet remained a 
formidable line of intrenchments to overcome. As we approached the imme- 
diate vicinity of these substantial defenses, we were formed in line of battle. 
Then we tarried for orders and finally bivouacked for the night. During the 
late hours of the afternoon the enemy made several weak attempts to recap- 
ture their forts, and it was during one of these futile attacks that the rebel 
Gen. A. P. Hill was killed. Previous to this, however, and as early as ten 
o'clock that Sunday morning, after his lines had been pierced. Gen. Lee sent 
a telegram to the President of the expiring Confederacy, informing him that 
he would be compelled to evacuate Petersburg that night. History infornls 
us that the intelligence reached Mr. Davis while he was in church, from which 
he immediately departed. It therefore appears that Gen. Lee had ordered 
the assaults upon our lines merely to divert attention from, and to prevent 
suspicion of, his contemplated flight. 

During that night the Army of Gen. Lee noiselessly marched forth from 
Petersburg, and at the same time Richmond was evacuated. Both of these 
cities were occupied on Monday morning, principally by colored troops of the 
Union Army. The pursuit of the fleeing rebels began at once, and our 
Division was in motion at an early hour, and followed the Appomattox 
River westward, with our Brigade in advance and so near the enemy 
that our skirmishers and flankers captured many prisoners. The shattered 
rebel army was retreating in two columns to Amelia Court House, which is 



on the Danville Railroad almost exactly west of Petersburg, and distant 
thirty-five miles. 

The wisdom of Gen. Grant's tactios now became apparent. We had con- 
tinuously moved to the left and the purpose of this final movement was clearly 
revealed. Had Gen. Grant attacked at the right or in front, the rebel army 
could easily have fled south and united with other Confederate troops, but by 
extending our left and making the dispositions which Gen. Grant ordered, 
Gen. Lee's lines of retreat were so restricted as to assure the dispersion or 
capture of his army, which reached Amelia C!ourt House on Tuesday morning, 
destitute of rations and forage. These were expected to be awaiting the 
Confederates there, but failing to find food for either man or beast. Gen. Lee 
was compelled to remain, while foragers could gather the necessary sustenance 
from the impoverished farmers who resided in the vicinity. Our forces were 
pressing onward to intercept the fugitive rebel host before they could pass to 

The march of our Corps on Tuesday was short, but we were exactly in the 
position we were ordered to assume. On the following day, Wednesday, the 
Confederates continued their retreat with bodies of Union troops in every 
direction to foil the purpose of (Jen. Lee and capture his army. He marched 
on the route to Farmville, distant thirty miles, where he hoped to cross the 
Appomattox River and, by destro3dng the bridges, escape to the mountains 
beyond Ljmchburg, fifty miles due west of Farmville. There was skirmish- 
ing all along the several routes, but the Mozarters escaped with only slight 
casualties. Along Sailor's Creek the rebels were so vigorously pursued and 
assailed that they resisted our advance with much spirit, and a severe but 
brief conflict ensued. This decisive action was largely due to the movements 
of our Corps, which hotly pressed the rebel rear guard, imder Gen. Ewell, all 
day in a series of engagements. We captured many prisoners and a train of 
many wagons, together with artillery and thirteen battle flags. 

On Thursday morning we marched at seven o'clock, and in two hours 
reached Salt Sulphur Springs, where Gen. Mott ordered an attack on the rear 
guard then passing. A part of the Brigade was deployed as skirmishers, and 
fighting began immediately. Gen. Mott soon received a wound through the 
leg and was carried from the field after ordering Gen. De Trobriand to assume 
command of the Division. Our Brigade was then placed in command of Col. 
Shepherd of the First Maine Heavy Artillery. The change of Commanders 
caused no interruption. We had become accustomed to such incidents. 
Just at this time, a heavy rebel wagon train was observed to be within reach, 
and its capture was ordered. Regarding what followed, I quote from the 


I formed a strong regiment, the 40th New York (Mozart) Regiment, under Lieut. 
Col. Cannon, on the right of the road and pushed forward my line of battle close behind 
the skirmishers. The ardor of the men was remarkable from the start, and augured 
well for the success of the day. Gen. Hiunphreys sent me instructions urging the 
importance of pressing the enemy without loss of time and on we went. Emerging 
from the woods, the skirmishers carried a line of works, the enemy retreating rapidly 
to another line much stronger, on the crest of a hill. I ordered a charge and at the 
command "forward" the whole line sprang over the works and rushed through the 
open ground, under a heavy fire of musketry and artillery, each regiment anxious to be 
the first to reach the enemy's intrenciuneuta and plant there its flying colors. The 


position was carried with the capture of 400 prisoners and several battle flags. With- 
out halting, we continued on and occupied Deatonsville. By this time, I had with- 
drawn the 40th New York from the right to the left of the road. The other regiments 
of the First Brigade had been relieved successively when their ammunition was 
exhausted on the skirmish line and sent to the rear to replenish their cartridge boxes. 
The fourth line of breastworks was encountered on a bill beyond, and carried without 
hesitation, the 40th New York capturing there the first piece of artillery from the 
enemy, soon followed by four others. The rear part of the enemy's train was close by, 
and their only chance of escape was in holding a line of breastworks, but this last 
effort was of no avail against the ardor of our men, who would not be checked. The 
brigade charged at once on the wagons huddled in the ravine on the bank of the creek 
and captured them. 

A few miles above the point where we had captured the wagons along Sailor's 
Creek, our cavalry destroyed 400 wagons and captured 16 pieces of artillery with a 
large number of prisoners. With Gen. Sheridan in front and the Second Corps (ours) 
in rear. Gen. Ewell's troops were constantly harassed, and finally were surrounded and 
compelled to surrender, including Gen. Ewell himself and several other Generals, 
together with more than 6000 of the rank and file. 

This battle of Sailor's Creek was the finishing stroke to the retreating rebel 
army, which had now lost more than 10,000 effectives by capture since they 
marched out of Petersburg. They were thoroughly exhausted, and so en- 
tirely demoralized as to be incapable of defending themselves, and the end 
soon came. 


The matchless combinations of Gen. Grant were hastening to a trium- 
phant conclusion, but during the night after the battle of Sailor's Creek, in 
which the Mozarters shared so much of the credit, Gen. Lee continued his 
flight with only a fragment of the army that had so valiantly contended 
against the Union hosts, which also pressed on after the fugitives. On 
Friday we pursued them at dayUght, and overtook them that afternoon six 
miles east of Farmville, just after they had crossed the river at High Bridge, 
which they partially destroyed to delay our pursuit. We succeeded in 
extinguishing the flames and crossed the river, to find the rear guard of the 
enemy posted upon elevated ground. We formed in line Of battle with our 
Brigade in reserve to protect the artillery. The enemy retired upon the 
approach of our skirmishers, and we advanced in pursuit with the enemy in 
view and skirmishing constantly. We were proceeding by the Stage Road 
to Appomattox Court House. We passed beyond Farmville, where the 
rebels had destroyed the bridges and burned a train of wagons that could 
not be moved with the requisite speed to prevent their capture. A severe 
engagement followed, in which we lost several hundred in killed and 
wounded, but only one of them was a Mozarter. Our repulse was attribu- 
table to a deficiency in numbers arising from the inability of our columns to 
cross the river with celerity. While waiting for the arrival of reenforce- 
ments, we bivouacked for the night, but the enemy withdrew and continued 
the retreat. 

Our Corps had moved so swiftly that the supply trains found it impossible 
to follow with the same rapidity, and on the morning of Saturday we were 
without rations. But on we again started with empty stomachs, but our 
foragers along the line of march secured sufiScient provisions to satisfy 
hunger. That evening, however, our delayed subsistence arrived, and we 


continued on several miles farther, following the enemy closely and capturing 
many straggling Confederates. That afternoon our column in advance 
halted at the appearance of rebel cavalry in the distance. As the horsemen 
approached, it was observed that they were waving a small white handker- 
chief, which signified peaceful intentions. An officer was sent to where they 
stood, and he received a sealed envelope addressed to Gen. Grant, which was 
transmitted to Gen. Humphreys. He forwarded it to Gen. Grant, who, on 
the previous night, while at Farmville, had sent to Gen. Lee the following 
conmiuni cation : — 


Farmvu-le, April 7, 1865. 
General: — 

The result of the last week must conTince you of the hopelessness of further resist- 
ance on the part of the Army of Northern Virginia in this struggle. I feel that it is so, 
and regard it as my duty to shift from myself the responsibility of any further effusion 
of blood, by asking of you the surrender of that portion of the Confederate States army 
known as the Army of Northern Virginia. 

U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant General. 

Believing that the escape of Gen. Lee was utterly impossible, Gen. Grant 
had thus magnanimously condescended to open negotiations for the surrender 
of the rebel army. The response of the rebel chieftain, which was trans- 
mitted in the manner above described, read as foUows: — 


April 7th, 1865. 
Genebai.: — 

I have received your note of this date. Though not entertaining the opinion you 
express on the hopelessness of further resistance on the part of the Army of Northern 
Virginia, I reciprocate your desire to avoid useless effusion of blood, and, therefore 
before considering your proposition, ask the terms you will offer on condition of its 

ROBERT E. LEE, General. 


April 8th, 1865. 
General: — 

Your note of last evening, in reply to mine of the same date, asking the condition 
on which I will accept the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia, is just received. 
In reply, I would say that Peace being my great desire, there is but one condition I 
would insist upon, namely: — that the men and officers surrendered shall be dis- 
qualified for taking up arms again against the Government of the United States until 
properly exchanged. I will meet you, or will designate officers to meet any officers 
you might name for the same purpose, at any point agreeable to you, for the purpose of 
arranging definitely the terms upon which tiie surrender of the Army of Northern 
Virginia will be received. 

tJ. S. GRANT, LieiUenant General. 

WhUe this correspondence was in progress, the pursuit of the remnant 
of the rebel army continued. Our cavalry reached Appomattox, where a 
train loaded with supplies for the famished rebels was captured. We were 
now in advance of the enemy with Sheridan in command, and to proceed, 
it was now necessary for the rebels to force a passage through the troopers, 
who were dismounted to resist the attack that followed. Our infantry 
columns arrived during the night, and the effort to break through ceased. 
At this time, when we were about to attack, a Confederate officer emerged 


from the rebel lineswith a request from Gen. Lee .for a suspension of hostilities 
and a conference with Gten. Grant. The request was granted, and the two 
Generals met at a dwelling house, where they discussed the situation and 
agreed upon the terms of surrender. 

It was about three o'clock in the afternoon when Gen. Lee attached his 
signature to the official document that terminated armed resistance in Vir- 
ginia. The news of the surrender was soon announced to both armies, and 
universal joy prevailed. Gen. Meade was the first to bring us the glad 
intelligence, "Lee has Surrendered," and then there occurred the wildest 
expressions of enthusiastic delight, in which Generals, Staff Officers, and 
private soldiers united. The manifestations took shape in dancing, ffinging 
caps in the air, cheering for Grant, and Meade, and Sheridan, and all of the 
other Generals, some of whom responded with congratulatory speeches. The 
Mozarters received an ovation as we passed through Farmville on the route 
to Appomattox, and all along our line of march other regiments that had 
preceded us and halted, welcomed the dusty Mozarters with vociferous cheers 
and vigorous demonstrations of the appreciation they thought we deserved. 
With our flags unfurled and our drum corps plajdng a quickstep, the com- 
rades at the roadside greeted us with boundless enthusiasm, and among 
the 36th Massachusetts Regiment, I now recall a single face, glowing with 
excitement and animation. It was the face of a boy with rifle in hand and 
cap in air — the face of the joUiest and probably best known Grand Army 
Comrade living to-day. It was the youthful face of Hon. William M. Olin, 
the present efficient and aflable Secretary of the Commonwealth of Massachu- 
setts. As he was then the type of patriotic soldiership, he represents to-day, 
in his life and character, ideal comradeship and exalted citizenship. 

Tired and hungry, we continued on a short distance and bivouacked. 
The bands played "Yankee Doodle," "America," "Hail Columbia," and 
other patriotic music until the shadows of night had brought peaceful slum- 
ber to weary and exhausted soldiers, who could now close their eyes in restful 
and undisturbed sleep without any expectation of an attack or any appre- 
hension of a sudden call to arms. Their struggles were now ended, and they 
slept the sleep of peace. 

The formal surrender occurred on the following day, April 9th, when 
paroles were signed, and arms and munitions were transferred to the Union 
troops assigned to receive them. After resting that day and affiliating with 
those who had so recently been our enemies, who shared the abimdant rations 
furnished to our army, the Army of the Potomac moved to Burkesville, where 
we remained three weeks, during which Gen. Sherman received the surrender 
of Gen. Johnston. 

The Union Army departed from Burkesville on Tuesday, May 2d, and 
turned its march northward. Four days later we entered and passed through 
Richmond. We reached Fredericksburg May 10th, and continued on 
towards Washington, reaching the Potomac River, near Leesburg, on the 
17th. On Tuesday, May 23d, the Mozarters had the extreme pleasure of 
participating in the Grand Review that occurred in Washington, when the 
entire day was hardly long enough for the Army of the Potomac to march 
through Pennsylvania Avenue past the reviewing stand where were gathered 
President Lincoln and his Cabinet, together with foreign diplomats and 


distinguished citizens of the Republic. It was a grand spectacle and demon- 
strated the power and resources of the Nation, the existence of which had, by 
the patriotic host on parade before the Nations of the World, been defended 
and preserved. On the following day the splendid Army of Gen. Sherman 
passed in review, and the entire day was consumed in covering the route. 
These two armies were composed of the active survivors of nearly three 
millions, who bore arms during the rebellion in defense of their country, 
the United States of America. The names of 965,591 Union soldiers appeared 
upon the Muster Rolls March 1st, 1865, and of these, 602,593 were reported 
as "Present for Duty." This immense force of soldiery was gradually 
dismissed and transferred to the peaceful avocations of citizenship, but it was 
not until late in November that the entire force had been discharged. 

Immediately after this great military pageant, consisting of men who 
had many times faced death upon the bloodiest battlefields and participated 
in the most sanguinary conflicts. Gen. Grant issued the following Farewell 
Address to the Armies he had so successfully conunanded and so ably guided 
to the realization of their mutual purpose, the Suppression of the Rebellion. 

farewell addbess of gen. grant. 

Soldiers op the Armies op the United States: — 

By your patriotic devotion to your country in the hour of danger and alarm, your 
magnificent fighting, bravery, and endurance, you have maintained the supremacy of 
the Union and the Constitution; overthrown all armed opposition to the enforcement 
of the laws, and of the proclamations forever abolishing slavery, — the cause and pre- 
text of the Rebellion ; and opened the way to the rightful authorities to restore order 
and inaugurate peace, on a permanent and enduring basis, on every foot of American 

Your marches, sieges, and batties, in distance, duration, resolution, and brilliancy 
of results, dim the lustre of the world's past military achievements, and will be the 
patriot's precedent in defense of liberty and right in all time to come. In obedience to 
your country's call, you left your homes and families, and volunteered in its defense. 
Victory has crowned your valor, and secured the purpose of your patriotic hearts. 
And with the gratitude of your countrymen, and the highest lionors a great and free 
nation can accord, you will soon be permitted to return to your homes and your 
families, conscious of having discharged the highest dul^ of American citizens. 

To achieve these glorious triumphs, and secure to yourselves, your fellow-country- 
men, and posterity, the blessings of free institiition^, tens of thousands of your gallant 
comrades have fallen, and sealed the priceless legacy with their lives. The graves of 
these, a grateful nation bedews with tears, honprs their memories, and will ever cherish 
and support their stricken families. 


The Mozart Regiment remained in camp at Bailey's Cross Roads, near 
Leesburg, until "mustered oi^t" June 27th, exactly four years from the da,te 
of the "muster in" of the two Companies which completed the re^mental 
formation. We were immediately ordered to Hart's Island, New York 
Harbor, where we remained until paid in full, and finally on July 7th, the 
Regiment was formally disbanded by State officials. 







When the South launched itself upon the stream of rebellion it did so in 
gallant trim. The river of secession was fringed with beauty; the waters 
were unruffled; the future was roseate with hues of promise. It was a 
voluptuous craft that carried the fortunes of the Confederacy. It was as 
radiant with gold and as resonant with merriment as was the barge that bore 
the queenly Cleopatra and her gallant lover. Its banner floated proudly in 
the favoring breezes, and bore upon it the mottoes of the new Confederacy, 
"State Rights," "Negro Slavery," and "Independence." But long before 
the war ended it became only a battered hulk, bearing a ragged and hungry 
crew that was hopelessly fighting for leaders who had long since relinquished 
the principles for which they originally professed to be contending. The 
proud boast, " One Southerner can whip half a dozen Yankees, " was aban- 
doned as soon, even, as the combatants had met at BuU Run, where it was 
found that Northern men could fight and were anxious to do so. 

The Mozart Regiment did not actively engage in that struggle, but was 
where its services were needed. We did not enter Virginia until the day 
previous to the engagement, when the army had advanced and left us as a 
part of the reserve forces, to occupy and guard the territory they had for- 
saken. From that time forward, through the succeeding four years, the 
Mozarters figured in every severe engagement in which the Army of the 
Potomac participated, except one, at which time our ranks were so depleted 
by losses in battle and by disease, that a cessation of activity became impera- 
tive and the Third Corps was assigned to the defense of Washington. Thus 
we escaped Antietam, but even with that bloody struggle eliminated from 
our catalogue of battles, our casualties exceeded those of all other regiments 
with six exceptions. We engaged in forty-five battles, not always suffering 
losses in the smaller engagements, but in the severer struggles always sus- 
taining heavy casualties, and often losing more in killed and woimded than 
any of the other regiments in the same Brigade and Division. 

In the subjoined list I have endeavored to show the precise loss in each 
battle, and have succeeded in arriving at the figures scheduled after con- 
sulting every available authority upon the subject, and by reference to 
official records and the roUs on file in the war archives in the States of New 
York, Massachusetts, and Pennsylvania. 

The War Department renders no assistance to historians, and all com- 
munications asking for mortality statistics meet with positive refusals to 
furnish the desired information, either regarding those who died in Southern 
prisons or in Northern hospitals. It would seem that the Government owes 
a duty to the martyrs themselves and to their relatives, as well as to posterity, 
which duty could be best performed by a full disclosure of facts as they are 




on file in the National archives. Were they available for examination, the 
task of compiling mortality statistics would be much less difficult than 
under prevailing conditions. The attention of the reader is invited to the 
following list of battles, sieges, and skirmishes in which the Mozart 
Regiment participated. It should be remembered, however, that the 
losses in the minor engagements which preceded or followed the great 
battles are consolidated. It will therefore be understood that, when 
skirmishes are unmentioned in the list, the casualties are included in the 
principal engagements. 


1. Bull Run, July 21, 1861 (not engaged) . 

2. Siege of Yorktown, Apr. 5 to May 4, 1862 

3. Williamsburg, May 5, 1862 

4. Fair Oaks, May 31 and June 1, 1862... . 

5. Seven Pines, June 9, 1862 

6. White Oak Swamp (scouting), June 14, 


7. Oak Grove, June 25, 1862 

8. Jourdan's Ford, June 29, 1862 

9. White Oak Swamp, June 30, 1862 

10. Glendale, June 30, 1862 , 

11. Malvern Hill, July 1, 1862 

12. Turkey Bend, July 3, 1862 

13. Groveton, Aug. 29, 1862 

14. Bull Run, Aug. 30, 1862 

15. Centreville, Aug. 31, 1862 

16. Chantilly, Sept. 1, 1862 

17. Conrad's Ferry, Oct. 4, 1862 

18. Fredericksburg, Dec. 11-15, 1862 

19. Chancellorsville, May 1-3, 1863 

20. Gettysburg, July 1-3, 1863 

21. Manassas Gap, July 23, 1863 

22. Front Royal, July 23, 1863 

23. Auburn, Oct. 13, 1863 

24. Catlett's Station, Oct. 15, 1863 

25. Kelly's Ford, Nov. 7, 1863 

26. Locust Grove, Nov. 27, 1863 

27. Bartlett's Mills, Nov. 27, 1863 

28. Wilderness, May 5-7, 1864 

29. Spotsylvania, May 8, 1864 

30. Po River, May 9-10, 1864 

31. Laurel Hill, May 10, 1864 

32. The Salient, May 12, 1864 

33. North Anna River, May 22-26, 1864 

34. Totopotomy, May 27-31, 1864 

35. Cold Harbor, June 1-12, 1864 

36. Siege of Petersburg, June 15, 1864, to 

Apr. 2, 1865 

37. Weldon Railroad, June 21-23, 1864 

38. Deep Bottom, July 26-29, 1864 

39. Strawberry Plains, Aug. 14-18, 1864 

40. Poplar Spring Church, Oct. 2, 1864 

Carried forward 168 


































































































a . 



c o 

Brought forward 










41. Boydton Plank Road, Oct. 27-28, 1864. . 

42. Raid to Hicksford, Dec. 6-11, 1864 

43. Hatcher's Run, Feb. 5-8, 1865 


44. White Oak Ridge, Mar. 29-31, 1865 

45. Sailor's Creek, Apr. 6, 1865 


46. Farmville, Apr. 7, 1865 

47. Appomattox, Apr. 9, 1865. (Surrender) 

Battlefield Casualties 







Died ot disease while in service 67 

Died in prison 38 

Accidentally shot 5 

Died by drowning 2 

Died of poison 2 

Died of burns 1 

Died of axe wound inflicted while chopping wood 1 

Died of insanity 1 

Total casualties . 


The Regimental Dissolution. 

The Mozart Regiment maintained its organization exactly four years, it 
having been completed June 27, 1861, and mustered out June 27, 1865. It 
experienced many vicissitudes during its service, and its membership was 
almost entirely transformed, only64 nameson the original musterrolls remain- 
ing there until the final disbandment. The nvunber alive of the entire body, at 
the present time, as nearly as can be ascertained, is not far from three hun- 
dred. One-half of these are members of the Regimental Association ; seventy- 
five are in the various Soldiers' Homes throughout the country, scattered 
from Maine to California; and the remainder are not affiliated, either with 
the Grand Army of the Republic or the existing Mozart Association. The 
following table shows how the regiment terminated its existence as a military 

Killed or fataUy wounded in battle 2,'5S 

Did not report for duty 275 

Discharged for disability caused by wounds or disease 668 

Discharged at expiration of enlistment, including transfers 414 

Deserted or missing 455 

Died of disease while in the field 67 

Died in Southern prisons 38 

Miscellaneous deaths 12 

Mustered out at end of the war from camp and hospitals 736 

Total membership (see Roster) 2920 



More than 2000 infantry regiments served in the Umon Army during the 
Civil War, and all of them sustained losses, but by reason of their assign- 
ments to duty, some were oftener in action and consequently met with 
greater disaster. Mortality figures disclose that the Army of the Potomac 
sustained a larger percentage of casualties than any of the other Union armies. 
From the beginning of the war until its termination, the Army of the Potomac 
was subjected to almost ceaseless engagements, and the conflicts in which it 
participatisd were the most sanguinary known in history. Nevertheless, 
many regiments escaped with only slight loss, while others were active in 
every campaign and almost constantly in action, or in positions of danger and 
exposed to assaults by an extremely vigilant and aggressive foe. 

One of the most eminent statisticians, C!ol. Fox, compiled a list of infantry 
regiments which sustained a loss of 200 or more in lulled and fatally wounded. 
In that list of so-called "Fighting Regiments," the Mozart Regiment is 
credited with a loss of 238 men who died of wounds received in battle, and 
although this rating offers indisputable proof that the regiment is entitled to 
be classed as a fighting regiment, it yet appears by the subjoined regimental 
roster, that our losses in battle were still greater than stated by C!oL Fox, and 
that instead of 238, we actually sustained a loss of 255. Of these, 170 died 
upon the battlefield and 85 from woimds received in battle. This revised 
list of fatalities is positively reliable and places the Mozarters seventh in line 
instead of thirteenth according to the tabulation of Col. Fox. 

The roster contains 2920 names that were borne upon the Mozart Muster 
Rolls. Of this nimiber, there were 275 who did not report for duty or who 
deserted without performing any service. Deducting these from the total, 
we find that 2645 men served with the regiment and that our battlefield 
mortality was nearly 10 per cent. There were also 216 men who were 
discharged or who deserted before the regiment engaged in battle, and these 
likewise are not entitled to figure in computing the percentage of fatalities 
in battle. Confining our calculations to the fighting men of the regiment, 
we find that nearly 11 per cent of the 2429 men who met the enemy in 
actual conflict were killed or fatally wounded, while computations based upon 
the total casualties show that 41 per cent of the entire membership, 45 per 
cent of those who bore arms, and 49 per cent of those who fought in the ranks, 
were either killed, woimded, or missing. 

Were the fate of those who were missing alter our battles, known, our 
mortuary list would be still greater, for while some of them returned to duty, 
many died on the battlefield and occupy unknown graves. Others were 
wounded and captured, and still others were captured unhurt. A large per- 
centage of these classes died in captivity, and their graves are unmarked. 

The small number of those who "died of disease, " is attributable to the 
fact that the sick were sent to the hospitals and discharged from the army as 
soon as it was ascertained that they could not recover, or were unfit for duty. 
These unfortunates went to their homes and there died after lingering a longer 
or shorter period. This was the fate of hundreds who were discharged for 
disability, but who neither figure in the casualties nor the computations. 



In a previous chapter, I have briefly discussed the subject of promotions 
and now resume it, because there is much more of the same tenor that ought 
to be said, and because many persons now active in the affairs of life do not 
vmderstand why so many enlisted men who have, since the war, obtained 
prominence and distinction in business, failed to advance in rank while in the 
army. I have asserted that many who were entitled to promotion during 
the first year of the war, were deprived of the advancement they merited, 
by the appointment of civihans through poUtical favoritism, and it is a 
notorious fact that hundreds of ambitious and worthy soldiers were actually 
driven out of the army by the failure of the Government to recognize them 
through promotion. While it is true that, subsequently, many Mozarters 
were honored with Commissions, it is nevertheless true that they did not 
reach the rank to which they were advanced, until long months after they 
had proved their valor in many battles. 

Gen. De Trobriand himself complained of the injustice to which he was 
subjected by the delay in promoting him after he had been strongly recom- 
mended by his superior officers. And Col. Egan suffered in the same way. 
Both were finally promoted to the rank of Brigadier General, but so late in 
their military career, that they could reach no higher rank except by brevet, 
which was an acknowledgment of merit, but it did not confer the honor 
they deserved to receive with its attendant emoluments. There were many 
other conspicuous instances in the same direction among the higher officers, 
and in the lower grades, there were scores of Mozarters who were quahfied 
and entitled to receive Commissions, but who were entirely overlooked, even 
after the War Department prohibited appointments to fill vacancies from 
civil life. There were a few instances in the Mozart Regiment, where 
speedy promotions advanced capable men in the ranks to positions of 
command, in which they achieved success. Prominent among these may 
be mentioned Major Fletcher who enhsted as a Private and in a few months 
was promoted to Lieutenant, and to Major in the second year of his enlist- 
ment. Lieut. Boody likewise advanced from the rank of Private through all 
the grades of service to First Lieutenant in less than two years, but he should 
also have been promoted to Captain. Other similar instances might be 
cited of the same character, but generally, promotions came late and advance- 
ment was slow. I have previously stated that there were only three pro- 
motions from the ranks of the original members of the Arlington Company 
(H) during the entire war. It is a still more astounding fact that only thirty- 
two of the one thousand enhsted men who were mustered in at Yonkers 
received promotion during the war. Many of them waited long years 
before their merits were recognized, notable among whom was Major Keene, 
whose first Commission was not dated until June 30, 1863. It was late in 



1863 before Manser, Peel, Schuter, Van Moll, and Marshall obtained promo- 
tion. And such a bright man as Jenkins did not receive a Commission until 
1864. So, also, Lieut. Scammell served in the ranks until late in 1864, 
when it was found that in him the Mozarters had obtained their most 
efficient Quartermaster. The Mozart Regiment had no better Adjutant 
than Lieut. Sweet, who was always efficient and always a gentleman in the 
army, as he is now in civil life, but he served two years in the ranks before 
promotion. Col. Cannon was another who experienced a remarkable 
advancement, but he did not obtain the full honor to which he was surely 
entitled. He commanded the regiment nearly an entire year, but did not 
attain his highest rank until late in 1864, and was finally mustered out one 
grade below that of Colonel, which is the rank he should have received. 
Capt. Warner did not reach his final rank imtil a few days previous to 1864, 
and he was one of the most competent oflScers among the many who were 
an honor to the regiment. Capt. Garvie, who was one of the bravest soldiers 
in the army, and of whose record every Mozarter is proud, was not honored 
with his highest rank until late in 1864. So too, Capt. Clymer, whose record 
as a brave and capable oflScer stands among the highest, did not reach a 
Captaincy until late in 1864. It was not until 1865 that "Capt. Murphy" 
obtained the rank of Lieutenant, and not until after commanding his Company 
several months that he obtained promotion to First Lieutenant. And so 
I might proceed with the mention of scores who obtained well-earned but 
tardy official distinction. I name the above comrades because they are 
conspicuous illustrations in support of my argument that had the regimental 
officers been earUer selected from the ranks, the war would sooner have ended. 
Not one among those I have named, failed to verify the truth of my claim 
that less lives would have been sacrificed and less money wasted, if the 
Company officers had first learned how to command, as enlisted men. Our 
reverses during the first two years of the Rebellion were largely due to the 
ignorance and inefficiency of the officers, and it was not imtil after the men 
who carried muskets were commanded by officers who had been promoted 
from their ranks, that the army began to win its great victories. Upon this 
subject. Gen. De Trobriand is on record as saying: — "The system of promo- 
tions was deplorable, and it contributed not a little to prolong the period 
of our reverses." And again, in writing of the practice soon after the battle 
of Gettysburg, when many civiUans were commissioned to replace the 
officers who were slain in that battle, he says : — 

Was thifl the time to send to the army, men utter strangers to a military career 
whose vanity had led them to seek for duties of which they had not the least rudimen- 
tary knowledge? When we had just saved the country, by a sacrifice of one-third of 
our number, the glorious vacancies left in our ranks, instead of being filled by officers 
who for two years had not ceased to suffer and to fight, who had offered their lives on 
so many battlefields, who a hundred times had given proof of courage and capacity, — 
was it just, was it honorable to reserve a part of these vacancies to favor or to corrup- 
tion, and to bring forth from the bar-rooms of New York some political intriguer to 
command heroic soldiers? The plague of politics was again manifested, and the 
government displayed its feebleness before the eyes of the world, by sacrificing to 
poUtical influence those who had earned their grades by services in the field. 

Regarding those who failed of any recognition, it may be SMd that there 
were many who became discouraged and who resented the neglect they 


felt was unmerited. In fact, some of our Sergeants insisted upon returning 
to the ranks as Privates, as a rebuke to those who held the power of promo- 
tion but who failed to recommend their subordinates to whom they had 
promised promotion. Sergt. Bums was one of those who, a few days before 
the regiment was mustered out, tendered his resignation as First Sergeant, 
which position he had reached upon his merits as a soldier after his bravery 
and abiUty had been tested and proved. He had served four years and had 
been wounded at Gettysburg and at the Wilderness. His record was fault- 
less, yet the honor he had coveted and earned, was denied him. There 
were many such men in the Mozart Regiment, and many of them in every 
regiment. I recall many who were thoroughly qualified to command, among 
whom were Sergt. Durgin, Commissary Sergeant Sylvester, together with 
Schafifer, Pailes, Unger, Boell, Greene, Guild, Wood, Harrington, Levy, 
Burrell, Lewis, and Stanley. It may be asserted that some of these were 
too young to be intrusted with Command, but I dispute this argument, 
for some of the best oflicers in the later months of the war were less than 
twenty years of age at enlistment, notable among whom was Lieut. Peel, 
who was killed at Petersburg when less than twenty years old, yet was one 
of the bravest and most eflicient officers. Lieut. Schuter was another 
example of wise promotion. He enlisted at the age of eighteen, and yielded 
his life at Petersburg when he had scarcely reached his majority. I remember 
him as a private soldier, always ready for duty, always respectful to his 
superior officers, and always a true tjrpe of the Union soldier. To him, I 
gladly pay this tribute, and likewise to those I have mentioned, not, however, 
selecting them from others equally worthy of mention, but because their 
names first reach my mind. I honor and respect them aU as Mozarters, as 
comrades and as citizens, and I am glad of the opportunity offered me to 
place upon record my estimation of them and of the service they so bravely 
rendered to perpetuate our Grand R«pubhc, which, by reason of their valor 
and devotion, is now destined to exist and teach the Nations of the World 
the value of a Government, "Of the People, By the People, and For the 


Teeke were many incidents and episodes which happened during the 
regimental life of the Mozarters, some of which were grave and serious, 
and many which were humorous and exceedingly laughable. Some of 
them have already been told, but there are others that could not be adapted 
to the text of the volume, and some even, that are decidedly imsuitable 
for publication. If all of these events could be collected and related, I 
venture that a large volume might be compiled that would be entertaining, 
and serve to remind surviving comrades of important scenes they witnessed 
or in which they participated, that are entirely forgotten. I therefore 
propose, in this closing chapter of the Mozart History, to place before my 
comrades such reminiscences as are thought to be worthy of preservation, 
with such comments as they seem to demand, but without any intention of 
being offensively personal. With this brief explanation, let us proceed to 
the task. 

There was considerable humor in the nature of Sergt. Durgin, and Comrade 
Fish relates a laughable incident that illustrates Durgin's quick wit and apt 
repartee. WhUe proceeding up the peninsula there occurred a tremendous 
shower during the night time, while we bivouacked on a slightly sloping hill- 
' side. The storm was so intense that nearly all of the men were driven from 
their shelter tents by the water that invaded them. The camp fires were 
brightly blazing, and around them gathered the comrades regardless of the 
deluge. At last Fish came forth from his tent, dripping with water that had 
flowed beneath him while he slept. Spying Fi^ as he emerged into the 
storm, Durgin saluted him with, " Well, Fidi, how does it seem to be in your 
native element?" Fish made suitable reply, but I dare not repeat it. 

Does any one remember who shot his finger o£f to get a discharge? 

We had eight or ten flags during the war, and the last set of colors sent to 
us from New York, were never used in the field, but remained in the express 
office in Washington until the war ended. Two of our flags are preserved in 
Albany and two in New York City. One is in the tomb of Gen. Grant at 
Riverside Park, and the others were entirely destroyed in service. 

The statistics of the war tell the Mozart story better than any tongue or 
pen can describe it. 

There were more than 2000 regiments in the Union Army. Some of them 
were entirely exempt from field service, while others were almost continually 
at the front. It was the privilege of the Mozarters to be almost constantly on 
the firing line. 



Capt. Burke was a character, and some of his orders at dress parade or 
while drilling were exceedingly amusing, particularly when he gave the order 
"Dress up in the sinter, all along the Une." Even the Colonel smiled. 

Only one of the ten original Captains served more than one half his term 
of enlistment. Capt. Lindsey served two years and sixteen days. Captains 
Foster and Gotlieb served but httle more than six months. 

Capt. O'Sullivan was a man of more than ordinary intellectual culture and 
there was no braver Mozarter. 

The Adjutant General's Report says Comrade James H. Hurd died in 
Andersonville, but he is now Uving in Georgetown, Mass. 

At one time when Col. Graves was serving on Gen. Bimey's staff, his tent- 
mate was a Swedish officer, whose name he failed to remember. He writes me 
from Stockholm, where he is serving as United States Minister, that he recently 
found a book there, written in Swedish, by his former companion-in-arms, 
whose name was Walberg. The volume describes the campaigns under Gen. 
Grant in Virginia, and relates many scenes in which the author, who is now 
deceased, and Col. Graves participated. 

There were fifty-three Smiths who served in the regiment, eight of whom 
were wounded, two killed, two missing, and one who died of typhoid fever. 

Gen. Kearny, Gen. Sedgwick, and Major IngaUs were killed or fatally 
wounded while making personal investigations. 

Thirty-eight Mozarters were wounded twice, but Boody and Ferdon, both 
of whom are now living, were hit four times, and Warner thrice. 

Every Mozarter who did his duty had many thrilling experiences. 

The following illustrates the character and loyalty of Gen. Egan. In 
the early days of the war he was standing on the steps of one of the hotels 
in Washington, near where three of the "Chivalry" were engaged in noisy 
exhibitions of their treasonable sentiments. They cheered first for Jeff. 
Davis and then for the Southern Confederacy. Encouraged and emboldened 
by their success, they proposed three groans for the Government of the 
United States. This Gen. Egan thought "unconstitutional," and he 
instantly knocked one fellow down and started after the other two, but they 

It was the sharing together of the same dangers, privations and hard- 
ships that established a warmer comradeship than exists in any of the 
other associations of life. 

We often recall the animated scenes around the camp fires, where some 
stood while others sat on a log or lounged upon their blankets, and nearly all 


smoking or boiling coffee. And how earnestly we chatted, but hardly 
ever a word about the dead I It was too sad to talk of, and we had to forget 
or we might falter. 

What do you think of the fellows who call the Civil War a "Lover's 

The South was never in full sympathy before the War with the sentiments 
expressed in the Declaration of Independence. Is it now? There are some 
who doubt it. 

Col. Riley was a strict disciplinarian, but he was not a brutal Conunander. 
He did not resort to harsh methods or profane language, which many military 
officers thought effective. 

When we were about starting from Alexandria for Fort Munroe and 
nearly every member of Company K appeared in new checked flannel shirts, 
a secret was revealed that had been well concealed. Some months before, 
when a tornado destroyed the sutler's tent, he lost several hundred dollars' 
worth of goods, among which was a case of just such shirts as Company K 
donned for the trip down the river. It was then too late to identify the 
goods, and the sutler said nothing. 

At inspection, one Sunday morning. Col. Riley told Comrade Fish that 
there was oil enough on his musket to make a barrel of soap. Sam replied, 
"Well, Colonel, there's none on my shovel over in the trenches," which 
implied that as he kept his shovel bright by hard work, he had no time to 
keep his musket bright without oil. But Sam's musket was never known to 
be rusty. 

We stand thirteenth in Col. Fox's list of Fighting Regiments, but the 
Mozart Historian has brought the loss to 255, and that places us seventh in 
Une, and if the whole truth were kno^iTi, our fatality rank would reach still 

As a rule, Commissions won by brave men in 1861 and 1862 were given 
to men at home in payment for their political achievements. 

It is not generally known that' Capt. Crofts of the original Company A 
served in Mexico. It is also said that a score or more of his men were with 
him in Mexico. 

Capt. Ungerer of Company F had served in the German Army before our 
Civil War began. 

Company H lost its identity as an Arlington Company in 1863, when the 
Regiment was consolidated into five companies. 

John E. Owens and Susan Denin were among the notable stage favorites 
who played at the Mozart Theater. 


The Mozart Monument at Gettysburg was the first erected by the State 
to commemorate the services and sacrifices of New York soldiers. Fifteen 
hundred dollars were appropriated and to this simi Massachusetts added 
five hundred dollars. 

How many of us remember the red-headed Strout girls, out at Falls 

When we arrived at Cumberland Landing on the York River, our rations 
included an invoice of hard tack stamped "B. C, Boston, Mass." We 
found them very tough and, with more wit than piety, it was said that the 
initials stood for "Before Christ." 

During the retreat to Harrison's Landing many were so exhausted that 
at every halt, even for a minute, they dropped in the road and in an instant 
were so soundly asleep that it was diflScult to arouse them. 

The last time we went out on picket from Camp Sackett in the Spring of 
1862, our headquarters were near the mansion of Col. Scott, who was serving 
in the rebel army. His wife declared that the Union flag should not be taken 
into her house. When Col. Riley visited the picket Une he was told what 
she had said, and he sent at once for the flag, which he carried into the parlor, 
where it remained unfurled, under guard, for several days, until we were 
relieved. The fiercest rebel I ever saw was a negress on the Scott plantation, 
who had an experience that was rather sanguinary with some cavalrymen, 
one of whom felled her with his sabre for cruelty to a cow that wouldn't 
stand to be milked. At the same time the cow was uneasy, because, while 
"auntie " was milking on one side, a Mozarter was milking on the other side. 
She flew at the cow with a stone, and then the cavalryman interfered. 

It happened one day at Yorktown, when a dozen or more men were carry- 
ing a heavy log for the breastworks, that Gen. McCleUan and his escort rode 
up the road. As the boys slowly tugged the log to its destination, they were 
singing that tender refrain, "Poor Old Soldier." The General was so greatly 
amused that he laughed heartily, and halting his staff at the side of the road 
to allow an unobstructed passage, he ordered a salute while the burden 
bearers marched along, singing as they went. 

What was more dreary than a bivouac at night on the ground near the 
enemy, when fires were forbidden and hot coffee an impossibility? But 
even then, there was consolation in hard tack and cold water, if we were 
real hungry. 

Did you see John Hanna's blanket after the scrap at Fair Oaks? He 
carried it into the fight with the ends tied together and thrown around his 
neck like a horse collar, and down the left side, as we all wore them. WTien 
the blanket was unrolled after the battle it was found to be pierced in nine 
places. The folds had multipUed the munber of holes, but they plainly told 
where John had been. 


It was almost half a century ago, comrades, when we shouldered the 
musket and started for the seat of war. Only think! 

Sam Fish tells a story about Sergt. Cole and his "mulish" musket, which 
was so heavily loaded at the time that he dared not fire it from the shoulder. 
So he placed it against a fence post and fired. The discharge kicked the 
fence over and landed both of them sprawling on the ground. Sam laughs 
every time he relates the incident and with fishy embellishments which I dare 
not repeat. 

Charlie Angell could never get enough bread to satisfy his appetite even 
when Sergt. Durgin gave him an extra loaf. Angell would eat the whole loaf 
and without coffee or even water to wash it down, and the genial Englishman, 
John Meehan, would say to him, "Angell, you're a 'og. " Poor Angell! He 
was killed at Gettysburg. I hope he is now an angel in fact as he was an 
Angell in name. 

I wonder how many remember Jones, the negro caterer, who came out 
from Alexandria to Camp Sackett every day with boUed ham, fried liver, and 
other luxuries. When asked his age one day he said, "I's een a'most a him- 
dered and eleben years old. " And I guess he was. 

Shumm, whose real name was Smith, was detailed as cook for the Major. 
One day he made a plum pudding, and it looked so tempting that he ate it 
himself and then told the Major that some one stole it. It developed that 
Shumm was the thief, and the Major kicked him out of his tent. For a long 
time afterward, Shumm was constantly saluted with, "Who stole the Major's 

There was one man in the Regiment who dared to speak his mind in 
emphatic language, even if it was not always polished. It was Col. Egan, 
who, when Maj. Halstead refused to obey his orders, used words that cannot 
be printed. But he really did swear awfully, and one of the oflScers who was 
listening said it was as good as a comic opera. 

When some of us visited Frogal Hill, twenty-five years after the war, 
tender-hearted Sam Fish went out behind the little log meetinghouse alone 
and cried like a baby. The flood of emotions inspired by the scene about 
him could not be restrained. 

When Ezra Thompson was asked if he would ever go gunning if he reached 
home again, he said, "I swear I never will, except to shoot a partridge for 
drumming." The pim was impromptu, but it was a good one. Ezra was 
not a musician, and he despised the sound of a drum. 

What became of the little tame pig that bit the Colonel? He belonged 
to the adjutant's cook, who was raising the porker for a table luxury. But 
alas! it disappeared. Perhaps Col. Riley may know something about it. 


Comrade Fish operates a chicken farm in North Andover, Mass., and has 
two himdred hens to care for. He writes me, "I put one of them in the 
guardhouse last night, for setting on its Post." 

Col. Graves writes me from Sweden that he and Mrs. Graves have been 
very cordially received in Stockholm, which he says is a beautiful city. 
Although Col. Graves served only one year of his term in the Mozart Regiment, 
he is very proud of its record and considers it a high honor to have served 
in its ranks, and to have been identified with a regiment of such grand 

The capture of Comrade Andrew King of Company H after the battle of 
Fair Oaks, who subsequently died at AndersonvUle, was quite sensational. 
While scouting, he was suddenly confronted by three rebels who ordered him 
to halt. He told them he would fight the trio if they would lay down their 
arms and give him a show for his liberty, but they refused and ordered him 
to surrender. Sergt. Stevens of Company D was concealed behind a tree 
and heard the conversation, or the fate of King might never have been 

Bob Jost was a character and never lost an opportunity for some sport. 
Not far from Hampton he offered a young "nig," who was selling pies, to 
"butt " him for his stock in trade. The pie merchant accepted the challenge 
and Bob won. 

There was only once that a rebel missile struck a pick in the air while 
upraised in the hands of a soldier. It happened at the trenches in Yorktown, 
and the pick was struck with such power as to force it from the wielder's 
hands while poised above his head. Such a remarkable incident could not 
happen twice, but after the pick had been vanquished, the missile continued 
on until it struck the branch of a large tree, beneath which a quiet game of 
cards was in progress. The limb fell upon the players and they scampered 
into the trenches in some trepidation. 

I smile every time I think what fun the Dnmi Corps chaps had with 
Drummer Howe, who wore spectacles. They nicknamed him "Four Eyes" 
and "Glass Put In," and usually spoke to him as Fovu: Eyes and of him as 
Glass Put In. Without his spectacles he couldn't see a bam door ten feet 

Drummer Lewis teUs a story of being introduced to Gen. Tremaine, after 
the war at a reimion, as "one of the Forty Thieves." After explanations, 
the Greneral said, "The Mozart Regiment was one of the best drilled regiments 
in the Army of the Potomac. I saw them go through a regimental drill in a 
rough ploughed field equal to the Seventh Regiment in Broadway." 

Why does the old veteran so often in his thoughts again visit the battle- 
fields upon which he contended with the enemies of his country? Because 
he is still imbued with his terrible experiences, and he carries with him always, 


memories which constantly occupy his mind. It was where his whole nature 
was concentrated and his whole being was consecrated to the cause of the 

In his history of the Second Corps, Col. Walker speaks as follows of the 
grand review of that Corps by Gen. Grant after its consolidation with the 
Third Corps: — "More than twenty-five thousand men actually marched in 
review. The appearance and bearing of the troops was brilliant in the 
extreme, but among all the gallant regiments which passed the reviewing 
officer, two excited special admiration — the 148th Pennsylvania, Col. 
Beaver, of the old Second Corps, and the 40th New York, Col. Egan, of the 
old Third Corps." 

No one can imagine how dejected the smokers were when their tobacco 
and money gave out at White House Landing. They were as "blue" as 
their uniforms. 

Mozart losses occurred through hard fighting at the front, and not in 
ambuscades, siirprise attacks, or by masked batteries. 

Of the regiments which sustained a loss of more than two himdred killed 
in battle, five were in our Division. 

It is remarkable how many returned from furlough only to meet with 
wounds and death. In several instances it is on record that men discharged 
on the eve of battle remained, and were killed in the engagement which 

Official records credit active service only to the date of transfer to the 
Veteran Reserve Corps, but they usually served their term of enlistment 
and many reenlisted and remained in service imtil the war ended. 

Oh, yes, Connelly waa kicked by a horse at Gettysburg. Comprenez-vous? 

Drummer Connelly is still mourning the loss of the new and costly drum 
presented to him by the members of Company G. It was stolen, and he was 
unable to locate it. 

There were only six re^ments that sustained greater losses than the 

While confined in Libby Prison Comrade George F. Mason cut his name 
in one of the floor boards. When the building was removed some one 
sent him the fragment containing his inscription, and he retains it as a pre- 
cious souvenir of his imprisonment. 

As proving the theory of presentiment, Comrade Edward Carter relates 
that Warren Stoddard asserted that he should be killed at Locust Grove, and 
distributed his coffee and sugar among his comrades previous to the battle. 
Lieut. Johnson also declared that he should be killed at Gettysburg. Both 
predictions were realized. 


Bob Jost was a character. He was always alert after infonaation and 
was easily imposed upon regarding the probabilities. He said he expected 
to get his carcass "peppered," and he realized on the expectation at 
Malvern Hill, for he was hit by a fragment of shell, and off he scampered 
for a doctor, holding on to the seat of his pantaloons. 

The second interment in the National Cemetery at Arlington, Va., was 
that of Edward S. Fisher, Sergeant of Co. D, Mozart Regiment, who died 
in Washington of a wound received at Spottsylvania. 

Drummer Lewis says that E. M. Marshall and Lucius Blood personated 
the elephant Columbus at the Camp Runyon " Greatest Show on Earth," 
which is elsewhere described in the Mozart History. 

During the "Mozart Charge " at Fair Oaks, John Bell, of Co. G, 
dropped his musket, which exploded. The bullet struck his canteen, which 
was filled with warm coffee. As the decoction trickled down against his 
leg, he imagined that it was blood and said he was wounded. Such is the 
power of imagination. He was killed a few months later at Fredericksburg. 



It had been my original intention to include in this volume a full 
account of what has transpired since the war of special importance and 
interest to the Mozart comrades and their families. The present size of 
the voliune, however, forbids an extended account of the many interesting 
occasions and celebrations connected with our comradeship. To fuUy place 
them on record as they merit would require another volume of equal or 
larger size, and I am therefore obliged to forego the pleasure I had anticipated 
in fully relating what has occiured to us, and about us, and among us, since 
the end of the rebellion. I cannot refrain, however, from referring to a few 
of the most important events with a brief synopsis of the scenes and incidents 
connected therewith. 

In New York. 

The Association formed in the field just before the Regiment was 
"mustered out" and disbanded, as I have previously related, has continued 
its existence until the present time and held regular monthly meetings and 
an annual reimion in the month of June, to which the families of comrades 
were invited. These gatherings have been productive of great benefit in 
keeping alive the memories of the regimental service and in fostering an in- 
terest among the yoimger generation. A handsome Association Badge was 
adopted, an illustration of which is presented elsewhere. It is worn upon all 
occasions and attracts much attention, the central diamond being in red 
to symboUze the Third Corps. The rilsbon is blue and the metal is gold 
plated and highly bunushed. 

The Association has usually paraded as a regimental organization with 
one of the Mozart battle flags, which now, however, has almost entirely 
disappeared from the staff, which, nevertheless, is still carried on parade. 
Noted occasions when the Mozarters have paraded in New York were at the 
funeral of Glen. Grant and at the dedication of the Mausoleum in Riverside 

The City of New York has erected a very massive and costly Memorial 
in commemoration of the soldiers and sailors who enlisted there and who 
sacrificed their lives that the Nation might not perish. It is situated on 
the beautiful "Riverside Drive" and is very attractive and imposing. In 
its cost and architecture it well illustrates the patriotism and enthusiasm 
of the citizens of the Great Metropolis, who have embodied in their grand 
tribute to the dead the same lavish expenditure that distinguished them 
during the Rebellion. The structure is reproduced on facing page. 

Upon the thirtieth anniversary of the departure of the Regiment from 
Yonkers for the seat of war, there was a reunion held in that city, July 4th, 


Soldier's Monument, Atkinson Park, Newburyport, Mass. 




1891. About fifty comrades attended with their ladies, and all partook 
of a banquet at the Getty House, at which the Mayor and other city officials 
were present. The Association marched to the first camp ground of the 
Regiment and passed the building in which the Regimental Barracks were 
located and which is now occupied as a hat manufactory. 

It was largely through the influence of the Regimental Association that 
an appropriation was secured from the Legislature of New York for the 
erection of a monument on the battlefield of Gettysburg, an illustration 
of which precedes this page. 

The monument cost two thousand doUars, of which amount the Legisla- 
ture of Massachusetts contributed five hundred dollars, in recognition of the 
contingent from the Bay State. The monument is located in the "Devil's 
Den ' ' near Little Round Top, where the Regiment performed an important 
service in preventing the occupation of the mountain by the enemy, in the 
event of which the Union troops would have been forced from the field by 
rebel artillery that would have been massed upon the eminence. The full 
particulars of this timely action by the Mozarters are fuUy related in Chapter 
thirty-nine of this volume. The design of the monimient is that of a soldier 
kneeling behind a boulder with his musket in position ready for action. 
Large boulders abound, there and they shielded many of the Mozarters during 
the severest part of the engagement. The monument is pointed out to 
visiting strangers as one of the most characteristic and unique monuments 
on the field and it attracts much attention on account of its picturesque 

The dedication of the monument occurred July 2d, 1888, or twenty-five 
years after the battle, in presence of a large gathering of comrades and their 
ladies. The audience also included Gen. Sickles and other distinguished 
persons. The oration was delivered by Corpl. James Tanner, whose Regiment, 
the 87th, was consolidated with the 40th, soon after he sustained the loss of 
both legs at the Second Battle of Bull Run. An appropriate poem, written 
for the occasion by Richard Watson Gilder, Editor in Chief of the Century 
Magazine, and son of our Chaplain Gilder, was impressively read by the 
author. An address by Comrade George E. Harrington, also from the 87th, 
followed the poem, and a historical sketch of the Regiment by Capt. Joseph 
Murphy terminated the exercises. Appropriate inscriptions are engraved 
upon bronze tablets on three sides of the monument. 

In Newburtport. 

The Massachusetts branch of the Mozart Association was organized in 
1875, and it is stiU in existence although reunions are not now regularly held 
on account of the small number of surviving comrades. The first reunion. of 
the Massachusetts companies was held in Newburyport in 1876, and the 
occasion was notable. Stores and residences were handsomely decorated 
and two mihtia companies performed escort duty. The Mozarters were 
escorted to the Ocean House, where a permanent organization of the Associa- 
tion was effected by the election of Capt. Westcott as President, and other 
officers. A promenade concert was tendered in the evening at which there 
was a large attendance. Speeches, interspersed with music, were made by 


Capt. Westcott, Col. Lindsey, Lieut. Boody, and Mr. George J. L. Colby, 
representing the citizens of Newburyport. A congratulatory letter was 
read from Col. Riley, who at a subsequent reunion presented a beautiful 
and costly banner to the Association. The Association adopted a badge in 
the form of a Maltese Cross of black enamel supporting a circle of silver bear- 
ing the inscription "Mozart Association." The arms of the cross display 
the Company designations, "B," "G," "H," "K," and in the center 
there is emblazoned the red diamond of the 1st Division of the Third Corps 
supporting the blue clover leaf of the 3d Division of the Second Corps, in 
both of which the Regiment served. 

As early as the year 1868 a Post of the Grand Army of the Republic was 
organized in Newburyport, since which time regular weekly meetings have 
been held. The Post now numbers about 175 members. 

The patriotic citizens of Newburyport erected several years ago a unique 
memorial in honor of those who died in defense of their coxmtry. It stands 
in Atkinson Park and represents a private soldier in uniform, standing upon 
a boulder with his musket at "right shoulder shift." In front of the monu- 
ment the lawn is embellished with two one hundred poimder rifled parrott 
cannon, and two stacks of spherical shells adjacent. It is pictured 
on the preceding page. 

In Milfoed. 

One of the earliest and most noted reunions of the Massachusetts Associa- 
tion was held in Milford in 1877. The citizens decorated their residences 
and places of business, and after a parade there was a reception in the Town 
Hall at which prominent citizens assisted, one of whom was the Hon. William 
F. Draper, brother of the present Lieut. Governor of Massachusetts, who 
served as an aide-de-camp during the parade and who contributed very 
liberally to finance the celebration. After supper at the Mansion House, 
where Comrade Scammell oflSciated as Clerk, the Mozarters marched to the 
Town Hall, which was crowded by guests and citizens. Eloquent speeches 
were made by Col. Lindsey, Col. Riley, Capt. Westcott, Gen. Draper, and 
others. There was excellent vocal and instrumental music during the even- 
ing and the exercises continued over three hours. The next morning there 
was an excursion to Providence, R. I., and Rocky Point, where a "Shore 
Dinner" was served to nearly 200 persons. 

Milford has honored its dead heroes by the erection of a Memorial Hall 
that is unexcelled in cost and beauty by any other similar structure in the 
United States. It is built of brick and contains a large Assembly Hall, 
Banquet Hall, BiUiard Room, and Reception Rooms. The interior is 
approached through a spacious vestibule the walls of which are adorned with 
marble tablets upon which is inscribed the name of every resident of the 
town who served in the army and navy during the Civil War. The building 
is entirely devoted to the Grand Army of the Republic, a Post of which 
named in honor of Major Fletcher, was organized in 1867, and which now has 
125 names on its roll of membership. Weekly meetings are held and the 
building is open daily for the use of comrades. An illustration of the hand- 
some structure is pictured on the next page. 




In Ablington. 

No town in Massachusetts was more patriotic during the war than 
Arlington, and since the war its citizens have many times manifested the 
same spirit that prevailed while the Nation was fighting for its existence. 

A post of the Grand Army of the Republic was organized in Arlington in 
1881, and it now has eighty members, who meet twice monthly. It bears the 
name of Francis Gould, to whom the prefereace was given on account of his 
longer residence in the town. In another way, which, under Grand Army 
regulations, cannot be here disclosed, the memory of Major Ingalls was 
honored quite as highly as that of Lieut. Gould, each of whom sacrificed his 
life through his army service. Nine Mozarters have been members of the 
Post, six of whom are now deceased. 

Woman's Relief Corps No. 43 is also named in honor of Lieut. Gould, 
and it is composed of as loyal and patriotic a band of ladies as any town can 
boast. It was organized in 1884 and has rendered valuable assistance to 
the Post upon many occasions. Among its benefactions was a gift of goods 
valued at $100 to the Carnival held in Boston for the benefit of the Soldiers' 
Home in Chelsea. Subsequently the Corps furnished a room at the Soldiers' 
Home at an expense of $125. The next year these enterprising ladies 
began preparations for erecting a Memorial Hall, and by entertainments, 
dances, fairs, and festivals, they obtained the first thousand dollars for 
the construction of the elegant and convenient building that is located at 
No. 370 Massachusetts avenue. Promiaent among these earnest workers 
to promote the interests of the veterans may be mentioned Mrs. Augusta 
Randall, Mrs. Georgiana Averill, Mrs. Violet C. Durgin, Mrs. Nellie M. 
■ Farmer, Mrs. Georgia Jacobs, Mrs. J. A. Marden, Mrs. Clara Kimball, Mrs. 
Carries E. Thayer, Mrs Willard, Mrs. Swett, Mrs. Lowd, Mrs. Reed, Mrs. 
Morse, Mrs. Swadkins, Mrs. Ilsley and Mrs. Crosby. 

At the Memorial Day banquet in 1893 one of Arlington's most patriotic 
and public spirited citizens, Mr. E. Nelson Blake, announced a gift of $500 
towards the erection of Memorial HaU, and a year later upon the same 
occasion, he pledged $1000 additional. That same year the Post held a 
Fair for the same purpose, and realized a sum exceeding $1500. In further 
testimony of his deep reverence for the veteran soldiers of Arlington, 
Mr. Blake donated one half of the land upon which Memorial Hall stands, 
and Mr. George E. Richardson the other half. To the Building Fund was 
also added $1500 obtained by popular subscriptions through the Arlington 
Advocate, a weekly newspaper published by Comrade Charles S. Parker and 
his son, Mr; Edgar D. Parker. The structitte was erected at once, and was 
dedicated Dec. 7, 1894. A picture of the building appears on the pre- 
ceding page, the lawn in front having since been adorned with two brass 
howitzers, which impart a military aspect to the surroundings. 

The Post has always wielded considerable influence in town affairs, due 
largely to the Associated Membership, which includes many of the most prom- 
inent citizens of the town, among whom may be named Ex-Gov. Brackett, 
Mr. E. Nelson Blake, President of the Arlington National Bank, and Judge 
Hardy of the Superior Court, who is an active member of the Post and one 


of its former Commanders. The building contains a large Assembly Hall, 
a large Reception Room, a Banquet Hall, and kitchen. 

A Camp of the Sons of Veterans was organized in 1895, and it holds 
regular meetings in Memorial Hall. The young men of this organization 
are proudly devoted to the Post and assist greatly upon all occasions when 
their services are necessary. The three bodies, the Post, the Corps, and the 
Camp, work together in harmony and are animated by the purpose to com- 
memorate and perpetuate the heroism of those who sacrificed and suffered 
so much in defending the Republic. 

Several reunions of the Mozart Association have been held in Arlington, 
but the most notable occasion of a patriotic character occurred June 17th, 
1887, at which time the Soldiers' Monument was dedicated. The monimient 
cost nearly $15,000, which amount was secured by town appropriationfl, 
private contributions, and public entertainments. In 1885, the town 
appropriated the balance necessary to erect the monument and a site was 
secured at the junction of Broadway and Massachusetts avenue, where 
work immediately began from designs which had been accepted. The 
structure was completed early in 1887, and on June 17th it was dedicated. 

The dedication ceremonies were preceded by a parade in which a dozen 
Posts of the Grand Army from adjoining towns participated, and two 
companies of mUitia. The Massachusetts Mozart Association also had a 
prominent position in the line, following Francis Gould Post. The route of 
procession was through the principal streets, ending at the monument. The 
oration was delivered by Gov. Brackett, who was a resident of the town, and 
who was then serving as Lieut. Governor. The popular author, Mr. J. T. 
Trowbridge, who was also a resident of the town, contributed a stirring 
poem, the last two stanzas of which follows: — 

Friends, living comrades, gather round! 

And wave, ye winds, oh, gently wave 

The flag they loved and died to save. 
Above OUT consecrated ground I 

To them this fair memorial stone 

We raise, to be henceforth a sign 

Of patriot's zeal, and Freedom's shiinc; 
And fame adopts them for her own. 

The oration was a very exhaustive and doquent review of the wax 
period, in which Gov. Brackett spoke of the Mozarters as follows: — 

On the evening of April 2l8t (1861), a war meeting was held in the Town Hall. 
It was the largest assembly of citizens which had ever convened in the town. The 
sum of $7,000 was subscribed to raise and equip a military company. At a Town 
Meeting held April 29th, $10,000 were appropriated to pay soldiers and support their 
families. In pursuance of these measures, a company was organized. The quota of 
Massachusetts, however, was then full, so that there was no immediate opportunity of 
joining a home regiment. A delay in entering active service was in prospect. This 
was a circumstance the members of the Company did not anticipate and could not 
endure with patience. They were too ardent in their patriotic zeal to brook delay. 
Men who are thus in earnest make their opportunities, and they made theirs. With 
Capt. Ingalls, they went to New York and with the consent of Gov. Andrew, they 
joined the Fortieth New York, or Mozart Regiment, as it was called. The ardor which 
excited them to this expedient in order to get to the front was creditable to theii 
heroism. While they thus served as a part of the military of another State, they were 
none the less Massachusetts men. State lines were of little consequence at such a 




time. The essential thing was to serve the Government and it mattered Uttle under 
what State auspices that service was rendered. And this, the members of the West 
Cambridge (ArUngton) Company did with honor to themselves and to the town which 
sent them to the field. The history of the Mozart Regiment is their history, and it is a 
history replete with glory. 

After the exercises the guests of the occasion were escorted to a large 
tent that had been erected in a field opposite the monument, where the 
ladies of the Relief Corps served a substantial dinner to more than 800 
hungry men. After the repast the Mozarters were escorted by Post 36 to 
the Grand Army headquarters in the Savings Bank building, where the 
annual meeting of the Association was held and officers elected. After a 
few hours of song and story the Mozarters were escorted back to the tent 
for supper, after which they returned to the hall and held an impromptu 
Camp Fire, at which Gov. Brackett and Judge Parmenter were present. 

The monument is forty-five feet high and is constructed of granite with 
indented panels for inscriptions. The front panel is devoted to the Mozart 
Regiment and bears the names of Major Ingalls, Sergt. Ellis, Corp. Wiley 
and Privates Greenlaw, Thompson, Kenney, Banks, and Hill, all of whom 
were killed in battle. Also the names of Lieut. Locke and Private Gammon, 
each of whom died from disease contracted in the army whUe serving with 
the Mozart Regiment. On the other panels appear the names of other 
Arlington soldiers who suffered death in defense of their country. Appro- 
priate inscriptions are also lettered upon other parts of the monument. 

In Lawrence. 

The principal event in which the Massachusetts Mozart Association 
participated in Lawrence was in the nature of a picnic at a popular resort 
on the shore of the beautiful and placid Merrimac River. The comrades 
and their ladies were received at the railroad station and immediately 
escorted to the wharf where steamboats awaited their arrival, upon which 
they were transported up the river several miles to Laurel Park, where 
extensive and commodious grounds, adapted for the usual summer recrea- 
tions, were made available for the exclusive use of the Association. During 
the day a business meeting was held and officers elected, after which a 
bountiful dinner was served. Speeches, recitations, and music enlivened the 
occasion, and at the sunset hour the company returned to Lawrence, whence 
the visiting comrades departed for their several homes. 

Two Posts of the Grand Army have been established in Lawrence. 
Needham Post, No. 39, was organized in 1867 and now has 190 members. 
Gen. Lawton Post, No. 146, was instituted in 1904, and has 90 members. 
Meetings are held twice each month by both Posts on the same evenings. 

The City of Lawrence has honored its veteran soldiers by erecting a 
beautiful and costly monument which fitly commemorates their deeds. It 
consists of a granite shaft fifty feet high, supported by a base, upon which 
are affixed brass tablets bearing the names of the heroic dead. But few 
Mozarters returned from the war to Lawrence, and only one now remains 
a resident of the city that sent a full Company to the battlefields of Virginia. 
A picture of the monument is herewith presented. 


In Philadelphia. 

The Pennsylvania Mozart Veteran Association was organized in Boston, 
August 13th, 1890, during the National Encampment of the Grand Army. 
There were present at the meeting which was held in East Boston quite a 
number of Mozarters from Philadelphia, among whom were Capt. J. W. 
Clymer, George W. Cooper, Fred. Dunderdale, and William Welsh. Upon 
their return to Philadelphia, a call for a meeting was issued and on Feb. 8th, 
1891, officers were elected as follows: — President, Capt. Joseph W. Clymer; 
Vice-president, Robert Baxter; Secretary, Frederick Dunderdale; Treasurer, 
George W. Cooper. On May 10th of the same year by-laws were adopted 
and the objects of the Association were stated to be "The preservation of 
friendly relations among those who fought side by side for the safety of the 
Union, and to celebrate such anniversaries as may be necessary for the 
perpetuation of the name of our Re^ment, and to relieve as far as possible 
any distress that may occur among our members." 

Frequent meetings were held from time to time in a lodge room in the 
business section of Philadelphia for some years, after which it became the 
custom to hold meetings of the Association at the homes of the members. 
A lively interest was manifested in all matters pertaining to the affairs of the 
Mozart Regiment, an effort being made to secure an appropriation from 
the State Legislature, for a marker at the battlefield of dettysburg at the 
spot where the Regiment served on the third day of the battle, but the 
endeavor failed. 

A delegation attended the thirtieth anniversary and Reunion of the 
Regiment in Yonkers on July 4th, 1891, and at subsequent reunions in New 
York and elsewhere. Reciprocal visitations were had from members of the 
New York Association, and they were cordially received and entertained. 
One notable occasion was on June 25th, 1892, and another during the 
National Encampment of the Grand Army in Philadelphia, in 1899. The 
Pennsylvania Association maintained headquarters for visiting comrades 
and upon invitation of Comrade W. H. Gilbert visiting friends were enter- 
tained at his home. 

On Jan. 9th, 1898, Comrade William Welsh presented to the Association 
the State Flag of the 74th Regiment. It appears that this flag was retained 
in the possession of Lieut. Col. Crawford at the close of the war. Following 
bis death it remained with his widow for some time, when it was loaned to 
one of the Grand Army Posts of the city and finally was presented to 
Comrade Welsh. With his consent the fiag was presented to the New York 
Association at a reunion held at Jamaica, N. Y., June 27th, 1898. Capt. 
Clymer made an appropriate presentation speech and the gift was acknowl- 
edged by Col. Riley. 

During the past few years the meetings have been infrequent, the last 
one having occurred June 11th, 1905, at the residence of Hugh McDonald 
in Philadelphia. There were present, President William Welsh, Secretary 
D. H. Moyer and Comrades Hugh McDonald, James McCoy, John E. 
Bradley, and Capt. Clymer. 





As a result of the war thousands of crippled comrades and the widows 
and orphan children of the slain were made destitute, and to this condition 
is partially due the formation of several organizations, the chief object of 
which is to assist and care for those in destitute circumstances. The first 
and principal among these societies is the Grand Army of the Republic, to 
which several of the other charitable societies are auxiliary, and with which 
they are aflSliated. The limitations of a single volume force me to confine 
my notice to the principal organizations, viz. : — the Grand Army of the 
Republic, the Woman's Rehef Corps and the Sons of Veterans, branches of 
which exist in every prominent city and in many towns in every Northern 
State. Posts of the Grand Army likewise exist in several of the Southern 
States, the membership being confined entirely to Union soldiers with honor- 
able discharges from the Army, the Navy, or the Marine Corps. During their 
exdstence these organizations have aided thousands of destitute persons and 
disbursed millions of dollars in relieving distress. 

Grand Aemt op the Republic. 

This great patriotic Association is composed of those who honorably 
served their coimtry during the Civil War, and into its ranks no one upon 
whom the taint of treason rests can go. The first Post was organized April 6, 
1866, in Decatur, Illinois. Its principles are embodied in the motto — 
"Fraternity, Charity and Loyalty." Its membership has embraced all of 
the great Union Commanders and a very large majority of the rank and file. 
The badge of the organization is composed of brass taken from cannon cap- 
tured from the enemy, and it is a cherished emblem that is emblazoned with 
a heroism that was patriotic and a patriotism that was heroic. The design 
of the badge consists of the figure of an eagle, with cross-cannon and ammuni- 
tion, representing Defense — the eagle hovering over with a sword, and always 
ready to protect from insult or dishonor the National Flag, which is also the 
emblem and ribbon.of the Order. 

One end of this flag-ribbon is attached to the figure of the eagle, cross- 
cannon and ammunition, and the other end is fastened to a five-pointed 
star in the center of which is the figure of the Goddess of Liberty, represent- 
ing Loyalty; on either side, a soldier and sailor clasping hands, representing 
Itetemity, and two children receiving benediction and assurance of pro- 
tection from the comrades, representing Charity. On each side of the group 
. tije National Flag and the eagle, representing Freedom, and the axe or 
, njg of rods, or fasces, representing Union. 



In each point of the star is the insignia of the various arms of the service 
viz. : — the bugle for Infantry, the cross-cannon for Artillery, and the anchor 
for sailors. 

Woman's Relief Corps. 

This organization originated in Portland, Maine, in 1869, and by vote of 
the National Encampment it was made an auxiliary of the Grand Army of 
the Republic. The objects of the association are 

First. To especially aid and assist the Grand Army of the Republic and 
to perpetuate the memory of their heroic dead. 

Second. To assist such Union veterans as need our help and protection, 
and to extend needful aid to their widows and orphans, to find them homes 
and employment, and assure them of ss^npathy and friends. 

Third. To cherish and emulate the deeds of our army nurses, and of all 
loyal women who rendered loving service to their country in its hour of 

Fourth. To inculcate lessons of patriotism and love of country among 
our children and in the communities in which we live. 

Fifth. To maintain true allegiance to the United States of America. 

Sixth. To discountenance whatever tends to weaken loyalty, and to 
encourage the spread of universal liberty and equal rights to all men. 

Sons op Vetbeans. 

This society is affiliated with the Grand Army of the Republic, and was 
organized in Philadelphia, in 1878. 

The objects of the Order are 

First. To keep green the memory of our Fathers and their sacrifices for 
the maintenance of the Union. 

Second. To aid the members of the Grand Army of the Republic in 
caring for their helpless and disabled comrades, to extend aid and protection 
to the widows and orphans, to perpetuate the memory and history of their 
heroic dead, and the proper observance of Memorial Day. 

Third. To aid and assist worthy and needy members of the Order. 

Fourth. To inculcate patriotism and love of country, not alone among 
our membership, but among all the people of our land, and to spread and 
sustain the doctrine of equal rights and justice to all. 


Among the Army Nurses no one was better known than Annie Etheridge, whose maiden name wsu 
Annie Blair. She was bom in Detroit, Mich., and was the daughter of John Blair. She was reared 
in luxury, but in early girlhood her father met with business reverses. She married James Etheridge, 
who enlisted in the 2d Michigan Regiment. Annie offered her services as a volunteer nurse and they 
were accepted. She went with the Regiment to the seat of war, but when the Regiment was ordered 
to Tennessee, she was transferred to the 3d Michigan Regiment, and when that Regiment was assigned 
to the Army of the Potomac she remained with it until its term of enlistment expired. She was then 
transferred to the 5th Michigan Regiment, which was attached to the Brigade in which the Mozart 
Regiment served. She engaged in the Hospital Service, and ministered to all within her jurisdiction 
with motherly tenderness, and to such a degree was her manner compassionate and sympathetic that 
she became Imown throughout the Second and Third Corps as " Gentle Annie.". She rode horseback 
on the march, and in battle was attended by an orderly, who carried the medicine chest. She was 
many times exposed to rebel bullets and was once sUghtly wounded. She succored many helpless 
men on the field of carnage and dressed their woimds long before they could have been carried to the 
surgeons for treatment. She witnessed all the horrors of war, and saw men killed while she quenched 
the flow of blood from the wovmds of those around her. Gen. Keamy, Gen. Berry, Gen. Bimey, Gen. 
Hancock, and many other Conunanding Officers held her in high esteem and valued her services. She 
even appeared upon the skirmish Une, and was often on the line of battle whenever a fight was expected 
or in progress, in consequence of which the Kearny Medal of Honor was conferred upon her. Many 
incidents might be related of her bravery and inspiring patriotism. Wherever she appeared the men 
welcomed her with cheers and extended to her every possible respect and courtesy. Her life was 
blameless and so fully devoted to the soldiers that no word was ever spoken in her presence, or deed 
committed, that could give her offense or cause her hiunihation. She was regarded as a ministering 
angel and the personification of all the womanly virtues. After the war, she married Mr. Charles E. 
Hooks, with whom she is now residing in the City of Washington, where Comrade Hooks, who served 
in the 7th Connecticut Regiment, is now employed as a messenger in one of the Government Depart- 
ments. Gentle Annie is enjoying a serene life and is never happier than when she meets some of the 
men with whom she was associated in the perilous days of the Great Rebellion, and to whom she 
exemplified the Golden RiUe. 


Upon this map can be traced the routes of march by the Mozarters, to and fro 
through Virginia. 



The preparation of a correct roster of the Mozart Regiment is a difficult 
undertaking for many reasons. Any roster that is grossly inaccurate is of 
little value, and realizing this, I have aimed to avoid errors and have devoted 
a great amount of time to verify the record of each individual. This involved 
the examination of the muster rolls of every company in each of the regiments 
that united with us and formed a part of our grand Mozart organization. In 
comparing these rolls with the published Reports of the Adjutant General of 
New York, I was confronted with many discrepancies, and it became neces- 
sary to harmonize these differences and to reach conclusions that were con- 
vincing about nomenclature, service, and fate. The official reports mention 
a great many as having deserted and some of them were unjustly placed in 
that category, but it is true that many who enlisted during the last year of 
the war, were "bounty jumpers" who obtained large sums of money for 
enlisting, with no intention of serving in the army. These men were 
dispatched to the front, but they fled at the earliest opportunity. Having 
been assigned to the Regiment, their names appear upon the rolls, but they 
did not report for duty, and consequently, were not assigned. These men are 
designated in the Roster as deserters, but I have declined to cast such a stigma 
upon those who were reported as "missing in action," unless there was some 
proof of intended desertion. Many of them returned to duty and assigned 
good cause for their absence, which was, in a great many instances, that they 
were captured and held as prisoners. Concerning those who did not return, 
we are warranted in reaching the conclusion that the larger portion of them 
terminated their existence either in battle or by death from wounds on the 
field, or in some prison in the South. Some of those who were reported to be 
"missing in action," are now known to have died while held as prisoners of 
war, and I have endeavored to trace those who were supposed to have been 
captured, by communicating with the officials in charge of the National 
Cemeteries throughout the country. In this manner, the fate of some has 
been ascertained who were not before known to have died in captivity. A 
great many are buried in these cemeteries among the "unknown dead," and 
it is presumed that these graves contain the bodies of many Mozarters gath- 
ered from the battlefields after the war, whose identity will never be deter- 
mined. Could the number of these be known, our regimental fatalities would 
be largely augmented, but their sad fate can never be ascertained as they 
repose among those whose bodies were disinterred and deposited in the burial 
grounds prepared by the Government for their reception. Finally, it may 
be said that the regimental standing on accoimt of losses is raised in prepar- 
ing this Roster. It is due to official inaccuracies which failed to credit us 
with casualties now known to have occurred. The highest number of killed 



and fatally wounded credited to us by official statistics is 238, while I find 
255 fully authenticated fatalities. 

The Roster contains the names of all who are borne upon the rolls of the 
Regiment, with the greatest possible accuracy, but it may be expected that 
errors in orthography exist, for it is found that individiials did not always 
sign the rolls in the same form. Many served under assumed names, but in 
all known instances, the correct name is published in the Roster together with 
the assumed name. The files of the War Department at Washington have 
not been available from which to obtain facts necessary for historical accu- 
racy, and requests, even for information where there was doubt regarding 
individual records, have been met with the statement that it is contrary to 
the rules of the department to furnish information for historical purposes. 
Thus, dependent upon his own resources and the official reports in the State 
Archives, the historian has found it difficult to compile an absolutely correct 
Roster, and he assumes that errors and omissions prevail to some extent. In 
spite of the disposition of the Grovemment, however, the Roster may be 
regarded as substantially accurate and reliable, because much time has been 
devoted to investigation by means of correspondence and verbal inquiry for 
the express purpose of achieving the desired result. 

The Regiment was organized and mustered into the United States Army 
in Yonkers, N. Y., each company containing the maximum number of men, 
and these original members of the regiment are designated in the Roster as 
having been mustered in at Yonkers. Unless otherwise stated, all enlist- 
ments were for three years. During the last year of the war, enlistments were 
made for one and two years. In such cases the Roster states the term for 
which the recruit was sworn into the service. The Regiment was mustered 
out at Bailey's Cross Roads, Va., Jime 27, 1865, but the place and date are 
omitted in the Roster, it being understood where the discharge took place by 
the statement, "mustered out with the regiment." In further explanation 
it may be said that, where the State in which the enlistment occurred is not 
mentioned, it may be regarded as having been in New York. All our battles 
occurred in Virginia, unless otherwise stated. 

For other information upon "Battles and Casualties," see Chapter 


1. ABBOTT, JOHN. Age 21 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, as 
Private in Co. F, 87th N. Y. Inf. Transferred to Co. I, Mozart Regiment, Sept. 6, 
1862. Re-enlisted as a veteran, Deo. 29, 1863, and mustered out with the regiment. 
Last known address was Brooklyn, N. Y. 

2. ABBOTT, ROBERT J. Age 20 years. Enlisted in N. Y. Gty, and mustered 
in, Nov. 11, 1861, as Private in Co. P, 87th N. Y. Inf. Transferred to Co. F, Mozart 
Regiment, Sept. 6, 1862, but did not report for duty. 

3. ABIENISTE, THEOPHILUS. Age 19 years. EnUsted in Newark, N. J., 
and mustered in, Aug. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. K, 55th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, 
Deo. 21, 1862, to Co. D, 38th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. H, Mozart Regiment, June 3, 1863. 
Mustered out Aug. 28, 1864. 

4. ABRAHAMS, GILBERT. Age 36 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and 
mustered in, June 26, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. I. Killed in action, June 1, 
1862, at Fair Oaks, Va. 

5. ABRAMS, ABRAM. Age 23 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
Jime 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. D. Deserted July 20, 1861. 

6. ABRAMS, JOHN M. Age 22 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City for two years, 
and mustered in, Oct. 19, 1861, as Private in Co. D, 38th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, 
June 3, 1863, to Co. C, Mozart Regiment, and mustered out Oct. 18, 1864. 

7. ACKBRIS, JOSEPH. Age 19 years. Enlisted at Staten Island, and mus- 
tered in, Aug. 28, 1861, as Wagoner in Co. E, 66th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 21, 

1862, to Co. K, 38th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. H, Mozart Regiment, June 3, 1863. Mus- 
tered out Aug. 28, 1864. 

8. ACKERMAN, PETER J. Age 22 years. Enlisted in Rushville, and mus- 
tered in, Oct. 7, 1861, as Private in Co. C, 87th N. Y. Inf. Wounded, June 1, 1862, at 
Fair Oaks. Transferred, Sept. 6, 1862, to Co. C, Mozart Regiment. Captured, May 3, 

1863, at Chanoellorsville, and returned to duty, Oct. 9, 1863. Re-enlisted as a veteran, 
Deo. 29, 1863. Wounded, May 5, 1864, at the Wilderness, and transferred to Veteran 
Reserve Corps. 

9. ACKMOODY, SAMUEL. Age 21 years. Enlisted in Odell, and mustered 
in, Oct. 2, 1861, as Private in Co. E, 87th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Sept. 6, 1862, to Co. 
F, Mozart Regiment, but did not report for duty. 

10. ADAM, RAYMOND. Age 19 years. Enlisted in Pooleville, Md., and mus- 
tered in, Aug. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. H, 66th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Deo. 21, 1862, 
to Co. H, 38th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. A, Mozart Regiment, June 3, 1863. Re-enlisted 
as a veteran, Deo. 29, 1863, and deserted Feb. 6, 1864, while on furlough with the 

11. ADAMS, ASA F. Age 44 years. Enlisted in Milford, Mass., and mustered 
in, June 21, 1861, at Yonkers, as Wagoner in Co. G. Discharged Jan. 1, 1863. Died 
in 1868. 

12. ADAMS, JEREMIAH. Age 23 years. Enlisted in Troy, and mustered in, 
Feb. 1, 1865, aa Private in Co. H. Discharged June 5, 1865. 

13. ADAMS, JOHN Q. Age 25 years. Enlisted in Milford, Mass., and mustered 
in, June 21, 1861, at Yonkers, as Sergeant in Co. C. Died of diphtheria, Nov. 22, 1861, 
in Alexandria, Va. 



14. ADAMS, SAMUEL. Age 36 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
June 26, 1861, at Yonkere, as Private in Co. I. Discharged Sept. 17, 1861. 

15. ADAMS, WILLIAM P. Age 30 years. Enlisted in Milford, Mass., and 
mustered in, June 21, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. G. Died of congestive fever, 
July 18, 1862, at Harrison's Landing, Va. 

16. ADDINGTON, GEORGE. Age 18 years. Enlisted in Williamsburg, and 
mustered in, Sept. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. K, 87th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Sept. 6, 
1862, to Co. K, Mozart Regiment, but did not report tor duty. 

17. ADE, CHRISTIAN. Age 31 years. EnUsted in N. Y. City, and mxistered in, 
Oct. 19, 1861, as Private in Co. E, 87th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Sept. 6, 1862, to 
Co. E, Mozart Regiment. Died of disease, Oct. 15, 1862, near Conrad's Ferry, Md. 

18. AESrSWORTH, MARTIN V. B. Age 26 years. EnUsted in N. Y. City, 
and mustered in, Oct. 6, 1861, as Private in Co. I, 74th N. Y. Inf. Promoted to Ser- 
geant, and re-enlisted as a veteran. Woimded, June 16, 1864, at Petersburg, and 
transferred, July 27, 1864, to Co. C, Mozart Regiment. Discharged for disability 
caused by his wound, May 17, 1865. Now serving in the Military Home at Bath, N. Y. 

19. AIREY, JOHN. Age 21 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
June 26, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. I. Re-enlisted as a veteran, Dec. 28, 1863, 
and discharged Oct. 15, 1864. 

20. AKENS, WILLIAM. Age 21 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in. 
May 10, 1864, as Private, but did not report for duty. 

21. ALBEART, EUGENE. Age 31 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mus- 
tered in, Nov. 24, 1862, as Private in Co. B, 55th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 21, 1862, 
to Co. I, 38th N. Y. Inf., and promoted to Corporal, Mar. 1, 1863. Ile-enlisted as a 
veteran, Dec. 28, 1863, and mustered out with the regiment. 

22. ALBEE, JOSEPH. Age 40 years. Enlisted in Conastota, and mustered in, 
Oct. 22, 1861, as Private in Co. C, 101st N. Y. Inf. Promoted to Corporal, and trans- 
ferred, Dec. 24, 1862, to Co. C, 37th N. Y. Inf. Transferred as Private to Co. K, 
Mozart Regiment, May 28, 1863. Mustered out Sept. 13, 1864. 

23. ALBERGER, WILLIAM. Age 41 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and 
mustered in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. D. Wounded, May 12, 1864, 
at Spotsylvania. Captured same date and did not return. 

24. ALBERTS, CHARLES. Age 18 years. Enlisted in N. Y. Gty, and mus- 
tered in, Oct. 23, 1861, as Private in Co. D, 101st N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 24, 
1862, to Co. C, 37th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. I, Mozart Regiment, May 29, 1863. Dis- 
charged July 15, 1863. 

25. ALBRECHT, JACOB. Age 36 years. Enlisted in Syracuse, and mustered 
in, Nov. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. H, 101st N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Deo. 24, 1862, to 
Co. H, 37th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. I, Mozart Regiment, May 29, 1863. Re-enlisted 
as a veteran, Den. 28, 1863, and promoted to 'Sergeant, Mar. 1, 1865. Mustered out 
with the regiment. Last known address was Syracuse, N. Y. 

26. ALDRICH, CYRUS P. Age 21 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
m, Jime 27, 1861, as Private in Co. H. Wounded, June 1, 1862, at Fair Oaks, and dis- 
charged Nov. 14, 1862, to enlist in 6th U. S. Artillery. 

27. ALDRICH, HORACE L. Age 22 years. Enlisted in N. Y. Gty, and mus- 
tered in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. B. Deserted same date. 

28. ALLEN, DANIEL. Age;21 years. Enlisted in Syracuse, and mustered in, 
Nov. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. H, 101st N. Y. Inf. Wounded, Aug. 29, 1862, at 
Groveton. Transferred, Dec. 24, 1862, to Co. H, 37th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. I, Mozart 
Regunent, May 29, 1863. Mustered out Nov. 28, 1864. 

29. ALLEN, HENRY. Age 22 years. EnUsted in Alexandria, Va., and mus- 
tered in, July 20, 1861, as Private in Co. I. Promoted to Corporal, Apr. 1, 1863, and 
mustered out June 26, 1864. 

ROSTER. 281 

30. ALLEN, ISAAC. Age 18 years. Enlisted in Watertown, and mustered in, 
Feb. 13, 1865, as Private in Co. H. Mustered out with the regiment. 

31. ALLEN, JEFFREY B. Age 18 years. Enlisted in Hancock, and mustered 
in, Jan. 23, 1862, as Private in Co. D, 101st N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 24, 1862, to 
Co. B, 37th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. I, Mozart Regiment, May 29, 1863. Re-enlisted as a 
veteran, Jan. 18, 1864, and captured at the Wilderness, May 6, 1864. Returned to 
duty, Apr. 15, 1865, and mustered out with the regiment. 

32. ALLEN, JOHN B. Age 30 years. Enlisted in Amesbury, Mass., and mus- 
tered in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. B. Captured in action and 
escaped. Returned to duty, and mustered out June 27, 1864. 

33. ALLEN, JOHN C. Age 21 years. Enlisted in Auburn, and mustered in, 
Feb. 4, 1865, as Private in Co. A. Deserted, Apr. 8, 1865, near Farmville, Va. 

34. ALLEN, JOHN H. Age 21 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
Sept. 3, 1861, as Private in Co. K, 38th N. Y. Inf. Wounded, Aug. 29, 1862, at Bull 
Run, and transferred, June 3, 1863, to Co. C, Mozart Regiment. Deserted Apr. 4, 1864. 

35. ALLEN, WILLIAM. Age 25 years. Enlisted in Poughkeepsie, and mus- 
tered in, Jan. 28, 1865, as Private, but did not report for duty. 

36. ALLWIMBLE, HENRY. Age 25 years. Enlisted in Tarrytown, and mus- 
tered in, Feb. 11, 1865, as Private in Co. C. Deserted, Jime 6, 1865, while awaiting 

37. AMEIGH, RICHARD J. Age 20 years. Enlisted in Painted Post, and 
mustered in, July 7, 1861, as Private in Co. K, 74th N. Y. Inf. Re-enlisted as a 
veteran, and transferred to Co. C, Mozart Regiment, July 27, 1864. Mustered out 
with the regiment. 

38. ANABLE, JOHN C. Age 27 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, Nov. 5, 1861, as Private in Co. A. Discharged Dec. 25, 1861. 

39. ANDERSON, ACKERMAN. Age 27 years. Enlisted in Brooklyn, and 
mustered in, Oct. 5, 1861, aa Private in Co. H, 87th N. Y. Inf. Transferred to Co. 
H, Mozart Regiment, Sept. 6, 1862. Discharged, Jan. 24, 1863, to enlist in 3d TJ. S. 

40. ANDERSON, EDWARD C. Age 20 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and 
mustered in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. C. Deserted, May 30, 1862, 
near Fair Oaks, Va. 

41. ANDERSON, FRANCIS S. Age 20 years. Enlisted in Milford, Mass., and 
mustered in, June 21, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. G. Killed in action, May 5, 
1862, at Williamsburg, Va. 

42. ANDERSON, JAMES. Age 29 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, Jan. 31, 1865, as Private, but did not report for duty. 

43. ANDERSON, WILLIAM. Age 16 years. Enlisted in Hancock, and mustered 
in. Dee. 11, 1861, as Private in Co. C, 101st N. Y. Inf. Promoted to Corporal and 
wounded at Groveton, Aug. 29, 1862. Promoted to Sergeant, Sept. 6, 1862, and 
transferred, Dec. 24, 1862, to Co. A, 37th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, May 29, 1863, to 
Co. D, Mozart Regiment, and mustered out with the regiment. , 

44. ANDERSON, WILLIAM. Age 25 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and 
mustered in, Sept. 2, 1862, as Private in Co. K, 55th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 23, 
1862, to Co. K, 38th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. H, Mozart Regiment, June 3, 1863. Mus- 
tered out at expiration of enlistment. 

45. ANDREWS, EDMUND Q. Age 22 years. Enlisted in Newburyport, Mass., 
and mustered in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. B. Wounded, June 1, 
1862, at Fair Oaks, and returned to duty Aug. 5, 1862. Discharged for disabihty 
caused by his wound, Sept. 14, 1862. Re-enlisted, May 6, 1864, in Veteran Reserve 
Corps, and discharged Aug. 2, 1866. 

46. ANGELL, CHARLES. Age 19 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, June 27, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. H. Killed in action, July 2, 1863, at 
Gettysburg, Pa. 


47. ANGLING, JAMES. Age 25 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, Jvine 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. D. Deserted Aug. 19, 1862. 

48. ANGUS, LUTHER W. Age 20 years. Enlisted in Rochester, and mustered 
in, Aug. 20, 1861, as Private in Co. H, 74th N. Y. Inf. Wounded, July 2, 1863, at 
Gett3rsburg, Pa. Returned to duty and promoted to Sergeant. Re-enlisted as a 
veteran, Dec. 23, 1863. Transferred, July 27, 1864, to Co. H, Mozart Regiment, and 
promoted to First Sergeant, Sept. 25, 1864. Discharged June 13, 1865. 

49. ANTHONY, NEWTON. Age 20 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mus- 
tered in, Jime 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private, in Co. F. Killed in action, Dec. 13, 
1862, at Fredericksburg, Va. 

60. ARCHER, FRANCIS. Age 24 years. EnKsted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, Jime 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Wagoner in Co. F. Mustered out June 26, 1864. 

61. ARMSTRONG, EDWARD J. Age 20 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and 
mustered in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. C. Mustered out June 16, 1864. 

52. ARMSTRONG, JAMES. Age 22 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mus- 
tered in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. C. Wounded, Aug. 29, 1862, at 
Bull Rtm, and mustered out June 26, 1864. 

63. ARMSTRONG, JOHN E. Age 19 years. Enlisted in Brooklyn, and 
mustered in, Oct. 15, 1861, as Private in Co. H, 87th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Sept. 6, 
1862, to Co. H, Mozart Regiment. Wounded, July 2, 1863, at Gettysbiu-g, Pa. Mus- 
tered out Oct. 14, 1864. 

64. ARMSTRONG, MICHAEL. Age 21 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mus- 
tered in, June 26, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. I. Deserted, July 27, 1861, in 
Alexandria, Va. 

65. ARNOLD, CHARLES. Age 23 years. Enlisted at Staten Island, and mus- 
tered in, Aug. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. I, 55th N. Y. Inf., and transferred, Dec. 21, 
1862, to Co. I, 38th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, June 3, 1863, to iCo. E, Mozart Regi- 
ment. Wounded, July 2, 1863, at Gettysburg, and re-enlisted as a veteran, Jan. 22, 
1864. Wounded, May 5, 1864, at the Wilderness, and transferred, Dec. 7, 1864, to 
Veteran Reserve Corps. Discharged Oct. 28, 1865. 

56. ARNOLD, CHARLES A. Age 18 years. Enlisted in Milford, Mass., and 
mustered in, June 21, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. G. Captured, June 30, 1862, 
near Glendale, and paroled. Mustered out June 27, 1864. 

57. ARNOLD, EMMANUEL. Age 21 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mus- 
tered in, Feb. 10, 1862, as Private in Co. K, 55th N. Y. Inf., under the name of Emman- 
uel Moore. Wounded, June 1, 1862, at Fair Oaks, and transferred, Dec. 23, 1862, to 
Co. K, 38th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, June 3, 1863, to Co. H, Mozart Regiment, and 
mustered out Feb. 15, 1865. 

58. ARNOLD, FELIX. Age 19 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
m, Jan. 18, 1864, as Private in Co. E. Mustered out June 27, 1864, while sick in 

69. ATKINS, BENJAMIN F. Age 23 years. EnUstcd in Poughkeepsie, and 
mustered m, Feb. 4, 1862, as Private in Co. F, 87th N. Y. Inf. Promoted to Sergeant, 
Mar. 1, 1862, and transferred, Sept. 6, 1862, to Co. F, Mozart Regiment. Wounded, 
July 2, 1863, at Gettysburg, and died there of his wound, July 12, 1863. Buried in 
the National Cemetery at Gettysburg. 

60. ATKINSON, JOHN W. Age 23 years. Enlisted in Newburyport, Mass and 
mustered in, July 1, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. B. Mustered out June 27, 

61. ATWELL, LEWIS Q. Age 25 years. Enlisted in Syracuse, and mustered 
in, Dec. 2, 1861, as Private in Co. I, 101st N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 24 1862 to 
Co. p, 37th N. Y. Inf., and to the Mozart Regiment, May 29, 1863, but did not report 
for duty. '^ 

62. ATWELL, THOMAS. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, Dec 31 
1863, as Private in Co. D. Deserted Mar. 31, 1864. ' 

ROSTER. 283 

63. ATWOOD, CHARLES M. Age 18 years. Enlisted in Newburyport, Mass., 
and mustered in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. B. Promoted to 
Corporal, Oct. 1, 1862, and to Sergeant Major, Nov. 1, 1863, but wounded Nov. 27, 

1863, at Locust Grove, before receiving his warrant. Discharged Jime 16, 1864. 

64. BABCOCK, HORACE I. Age 21 years. Enlisted in Prattsburg, and 
mustered in, Nov. 27, 1861, as Corporal m Co. E, 101st N. Y. Inf. Promoted to 
Sergeant and transferred to Co. E, 37th N. Y. Inf., Dec. 24, 1862. Transferred to 
Co. K, Mozart Regiment, May 28, 1863. Mustered out Dec. 27, 1864. 

65. BABCOCK, PETER. Age 19 years. Enlisted in Schenectady, and mustered 
in, Feb. 9, 1865, as Private in Co. G. Mustered out with the regiment. 

66. BABCOCK, WILLIAM A. Age 25 years. Enlisted as Sergeant and pro- 
moted to Second Lieutenant, Feb. 23, 1863, but declined promotion Sept. 4, 1863, 
to accept a Commission as Paymaster in the U. S. Navy. 

67. BABINGER, ANTHONY. Age 40 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and 
mustered in, Jan. 25, 1864, as Private in Co. F. Transferred, July 7, 1864, to Veteran 
Reserve Corps, and mustered out July 26, 1865. 

68. BABST, FREDERICK. Age 34 years. Enlisted in Ssrracuse, and mustered 
in, Dec. 7, 1861, as Private in Co. H, 101st N. Y. Inf. Wounded, Aug. 29, 1862, at 
Groveton. Transferred, Deo. 24, 1862, to Co. A, 37th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. I, Mozart 
Regiment, May 29, 1863. Re-enlisted as a veteran, Dec. 29, 1863, and mustered out 
with the regiment. 

69. BACKMAN, GEORGE. Age 25 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. F. Mustered out June 26, 1864. 

70. BACLUM, HERMAN. Age 42 years. Enlisted in Tompkinsville, and mus- 
tered in, I'eb. 15, 1865, as Private in Co. F. Mustered out with the regimeiit. 

71. BADOIR, PAUL. Age 24 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
Aug. 14, 1862, as Private in Co. D, 55th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 21, 1862, to 
Co. I, 38th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. E, Mozart Regiment, June 3, 1863. Deserted Jime 
8, 1863. 

72. BAGLEMAN, GOTTFRIED. Age 23 years. Enlisted at Staten Island, and 
musteredin, Aug. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. H, 55th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 21, 

1862, to Co. H, 38th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. A, Mozart Regiment, June 3, 1863. 
Wounded, July 27, 1864, at Deep Bottom, and mustered out Aug. 29, 1864. 

73. BAILEY, ALBERT D. Age 18 years. Enlisted in Amesbury, Mass., and 
mustered in, June 21, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. G. Mustered out June 27, 

1864. Died, May 16, 1895, in Amesbury, and buried there. 

74. BAILEY, OSCAR J. Age 14 years. Enlisted in Hancock, and mustered in> 
Dec. 23, 1861, as Musician in Co. G, 101st N. Y. Inf. Transferred, May 8, 1862, to 
Co. A, 37th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. K, Mozart Regiment, Mar. 28, 1863. Mustered 
out Dec. 22, 1864. 

75. BAILEY, SAMUEL. Age 18 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, Oct. 2, 1861, as Private in Co. A, 101st N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 24, 1862, to 
Co. B, 37th N. Y. Inf., while a deserter. Reported for duty, and transferred. May 29, 

1863, to Co. K, Mozart Regiment. Re-enlisted Dec. 29, 1863, and deserted while on 
furlough with the regiment. 

76. BAILEY, WILLIAM H. Age 28 years. Enlisted in Watertown, and mus- 
tered in, Feb. 9, 1865, as Private in Co. H. Mustered out with the regiment. 

77. BAKER, JOHN W. Age 19 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. F. Discharged for disability, Jan. 16, 

1864, Now resides in Brooklyn, N. Y. 

78. BAKER, THOMAS. Age 40 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
Aug. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. B. Discharged Aug. 28, 1864. 


79. BAKER, THOMAS. Age 18 years. Enlisted in Syracuse, and mustered 
in Nov. 14, 1861, as Private in Co. K, 101st N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 24, 
1862, to Ck). K, 37tli N. Y. Inf., and to Co. I, Mozart Regiment, May 29, 1863. 
Re-enlisted as a veteran, Dec. 29, 1863, and killed in action. May 5, 1864, at the 
Wilderness, Va. 

80. BAKER, WILLIAM. Age 25 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and must«red 
in, Nov. 9, 1861, as Private in Co. I, 74th N. Y. Inf. Re-enlisted as a veteran, and 
promoted to Corporal. Wounded, May 5, 1864, at the Wilderness. Transferred, 
July 27, 1864, to Co. C, Mozart Regiment, and mustered out, Oct. 9, 1864, for dis- 
ability caused by his wound. 

81. BALDWIN, CHARLES G. Age 18 years. Enlisted in Camillus, and mus- 
tered in, Oct. 22, 1861, as Private in Co. I, 101st N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 24, 

1862, to Co. D, 37th N. Y. Inf., and promoted to Sergeant. Transferred, May 28, 

1863, to Co. I, Mozart Regiment. Wounded, July 2, 1863, at Gettysburg, and dis- 
charged Oct. 22, 1864. Last known address was Syracuse, N. Y. 

82. BALL, JAMES. Age 19 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
June 26, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. I. Deserted July 29, 1861. 

83. BALL, JOHN H. Age 18 years. Enlisted in Tioga, and mustered in, Feb. 
13, 1865, as Private in Co. B. Deserted, Mar. 16, 1865, near Hatcher's Run, Va. 

84. BALL, WILLIAM. Age 22 years. Enlisted in Utica, and mustered in, Jan. 
31, 1865, as Private in Co. A. Deserted, Apr. 2, 1865, near Petersburg, Va. 

85. BALLOU, ABRAM. Age 22 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, June 21, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. C. Deserted, June 30, 1861, from 
Camp Wood, Yonkers. 

86. BALLOU, EDWARD F. Age 20 years. Enlisted in Newburyport, Mass., 
and mustered in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Sergeant in Co. B. Discharged June 1, 

87. BALLOU, FREDERICK D. Age 18 years. EnUsted in Newburyport, 
Mass., and mustered in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. B. Captured 
at Fredericksburg, Dec. 13, 1862, and imprisoned in Richmond, Va. Paroled and 
died of disease, June 21, 1863, at Annapolis, Md. Buried there in the National 

88. BALLOU, GEORGE O. Age 36 years. Enlisted in Arlington, Mass., and 
mustered in, June 27, 1861, at Yonkers, as First Lieutenant in Co. H. Appointed 
Adjutant, and resigned Feb. 6, 1862. Died in Arlington, Aug. 10, 1898, and buried 

89. BALTER, ISAAC. Age 26 years. Enlisted at Staten Island, and mustered in, 
Aug. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. F, 55th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 21, 1862, to 
Co. G, 38th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. E, Mozart Regiment, June 3, 1863. Wounded, 
May 5, 1864, at the Wilderness, and died of his wound, May 16, 1864, in Washington, 
D. C. Buried in the National Cemetery at Arlington, Va. 

90. BAMBEE, JOSEPH. Age 21 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, June 27, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. K. Promoted to Corporal, Dec. 1, 
1861, and died of disease, June 18, 1862, at White House, Va. 

91. BANKS, THOMAS E. Age 21 years. Enlisted in ArUngton, Mass., and 
mustered in, Jime 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. B. Killed in action, Dec. 
13, 1862, at Fredericksburg, Va. 

92. BANKS, WRIGHT. Age 35 years. EnUsted in N. Y. City, and mustered in 
Feb. 24, 1865, as Private for one year, but did not report for duty. 

93. BANNON, PATRICK. Age 25 years. EnUsted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, June 27, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. H. Deserted, July 1, 1861, from 
Camp Wood, Yonkers. 

94. BARBER, JAMES. Age 22 years. Enlisted in Troy, and mustered in, Feb. 
6, 1865, as Private in Co. A. Mustered out with the regiment. 

ROSTER. 285 

95. BARBER, JOSEPH. Age 31 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, Aug. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. A. Discharged Aug. 28, 1864. 

96. BARBER, WILLIAM. Age 19 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, Dec. 21, 1861, as Private in Co. E. Transferred to Drum Corps and promoted to 
C!orporal. Died of disease, May 12, 1862, at Yorktown, Va. 

97. BARCHE, AUGUSTUS. Age 21 years. Enlisted in Amherst, and mustered 
in, Jan. 4, 1864, as Private in Co. I. Mustered out with the regiment. 

98. BARCLAY, JOHN. Age 21 years. Enlisted in Goshen, and mustered in, 
Feb. 7, 1865, as Private, but did not report for duty. 

99. BARNES, CHARLES. Age 19 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, Nov. 13, 1861, as Private in Co. D. Wounded, May 19, 1864, at Spottsylvania, and 
again, June 16, 1864, near Petersburg. Died of his wounds, June 19, 1864, in Wash- 
ington, D. C. Buried in the National Cemetery at Arlington, Va. 

100. BARNES, CHARLES T. Age 16 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mus- 
tered in, Sept. 14, 1861, as Private in Co. A, 101st N. Y. Inf. Appointed Musician, 
and transferred, Dec. 24, 1862, to Co. B, 37th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, May 29, 1863, 
to Co. I, Mozart Regiment. Re-enlisted as a veteran, Dec. 29, 1863, and mustered 
out with the regiment. Now resides in Chicago, 111. 

101. BARNES, EDWARD. Age 18 years. Enlisted in Williamsburg, and mus- 
tered in, Sept. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. I, 87th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Sept. 6, 
1862, to Co. I, Mozart Regiment, and deserted, Deo. 22, 1862, near Falmouth, Va. 

102. BARNES, HARRISON A. Age 18 years. Enlisted in Syracuse, and mus- 
tered in, Dec. 7, 1861, as Private in Co. K, 101st N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 24, 
1862, to Co. K, 37th N. Y. Inf., and wounded. May 4, 1863, at ChanceUorsville. 
Transferred, May 29, 1863, to Co. I, Mozart Regiment, and discharged for disability 
caused by his wound, Jan. 10, 1864, in Washington, D. C. Last known address was 
Marshall, Minn. 

103. BARNES, JOSEPH. Age 21 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
Feb. 18, 1864, as Private in Co. A, but did not report for duty. 

104. BARNES, MATTHEW. Age 22 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, Feb. 20, 1862, as Private in Co. E, 55th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 21, 1862, to 
Co. G, 38th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. E, Mozart Regiment, June 5, 1863. Mustered out 
Aug. 28, 1864. Last known address was New York City. 

105. BARNETT, DANIEL. Age 24 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. B. Captured, Aug. 30, 1862, at Bull 
Run, and returned to duty, Dec. 19, 1862. Wounded, May 5, 1863, at ChanceUors- 
ville, and transferred, Oct. 14, 1863, to Veteran Reserve Corps. 

106. BARR, JOHN. Age 42 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
June 27, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. H. Captured, Oct. 13, 1863, at Auburn, 
and returned to duty, Nov. 20, 1864. Mustered out Jan. 6, 1865. Died, Aug. 21, 
1900, in the National Mihtary Home at Hampton, Va., and buried there in the 
National Cemetery. 

107. BARRETT, EDWIN C. Age 19 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, Aug. 16, 1863, as Private in Co. E. Killed in action, July 12, 1864, near Peters- 
burg, and buried in Battle Ground National Cemetery at Washington, D. C. 

108. BARRETT, ROBERT. Age 24 years. Enlisted in Lawrence, Mass., and 
mustered in, June 27, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. K. Deserted Nov. 27, 

109. BARRETT, THOMAS. Age 22 years. Enlisted in Williamsburg, and 
mustered in, Sept. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. K, 87th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Sept. 
6, 1862, to Co. K, Mozart Regiment, and discharged Feb. 24, 1863. 

110. BARRETT, THOMAS H. Age 23 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mus- 
tered in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Corporal in Co. E. Captured, May 3, 1863, at 
ChancellorsviUe, and paroled Apr, 3, 1864. Mustered out June 26, 1864. 


111. BARROW, JOHN. Age 19 years. Enlisted in Williamsburg, and mustered 
in, Sept. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. K, 87th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Sept. 6, 1862, to 
Co. K, Mozart Regiment, and mustered out, Oct. 27, 1863, at Wtiite's Ford, Va. 

112. BARRY, AUGUSTE. Age 24 years. Enlisted at Staten Island, and miistered 
in, Aug. 28, 1861, as Corporal in Co. A, 55th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 21, 1862, 
to Co. G, 38th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. E, Mozart Regiment, June 5, 1863. Mustered 
out Aug. 28, 1864. 

113. BARRY, JAMES. Age 24 years. Enlisted in Lawrence, Mass., and mustered 
in, June 27, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. K. Discharged for disability. Mar. 2, 

114. BARRY, MICHAEL. Age 20 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. C. Deserted July 10, 1861. 

115. BARSTOW, JOHN S. Age 20 years. Enlisted in Brooklyn, and mustered 
in, Feb. 4, 1865, as Private in Co. A, but did not report for duty. 

116. BARTHOLOMEW, HEWITT. Age 30 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and 
mustered in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. E. Woiinded, Dec. 13, 
1862, at Fredericksburg, and transferred, Nov. 21, 1863, to Veteran Reserve Corps. 

117. BARTLETT, WILLIAM. Age 42 years. Enlisted in N. Y. aty, and mus- 
tered in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. C. Mustered out June 26, 1864. 

118. BARTON, AUGUSTINE. Age 33 years. EnUsted in N. Y. City, and 
mustered in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. C. Re-enlisted as a veteran, 
Deo. 29, 1863, and wounded. May 9, 1864, at Spottsylvania. Discharged for dis- 
ability caused by his wound, Dec. 28, 1864. 

119. BARTON, CHARLES. Age 21 years. Enlisted in Williamsburg, and mus- 
tered in, Sept. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. K, 87th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Sept. 
6, 1862, to Co. K, Mozart Regiment, and deserted Apr. 19, 1863. 

120. BARTON, EDWARD. Age 20 years. Enlisted in Dix, and mustered in, 
Feb. 16, 1865, as Private in Co. A. Deserted, June 22, 1865, while awaiting dis- 

121. BASSETT, WILLIAM. Age 25 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mus- 
tered in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Corporal in Co. C. Promoted to Sergeant, 
Sept. 6, 1862, and wounded, Dec. 13, 1862, at Fredericksburg. Discharged for dis- 
ability caused by his wound. May 20, 1863. 

122. BASSTON, JOHN J. Age 20 years. Enlisted in Brooklyn, and mustered 
in, Feb. 4, 1864, but did not report for duty. 

123. BATEMAN, BENJAMIN C. Age 26 years. Enlisted in Rome, and mus- 
tered in, Dec. 21, 1861, as Private in Co. E, 101st N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 24, 
1862, to Co. E, 37th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. K, Mozart Regiment, May 28, 1863. Re- 
enlisted as a veteran, Dec. 29, 1863, and mustered out with the regiment. 

124. BATES, ROYAL H. Age 20 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. F. Discharged, July 14, 1862, to 
accept promotion as Lieutenant in 2d U. S. Colored Inf. Died, Mar. 7, 1907, in the 
Military Home at Chelsea, Mass. 

125. BATTELLE, GEORGE W. Age 24 years. Enlisted in Newburyport, 
Mass., and mustered in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. B. Re-enlisted 
as a veteran, Dec. 29, 1863. Captured at Spottsylvania, May 12, 1864, and imprisoned 
in Andersonville, Ga., and Florence, S. C. Paroled and returned to duty, Apr. 17, 
1865. Mustered out with the regiment. Last known address was Boston, Mass. 

126. BAUR, CHARLES. Age 24 years. Enlisted in Poughkeepsie, and mus- 
tered in, Jan. 30, 1865, as Private, but did not report for duty. 

127. BAUR, JACOB. Age 28 years. Enlisted at Stateu Island, and mustered in, 
Aug. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. C, 55th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Deo. 21, 1862, to 
Co. K, 38th N. Y. Inf., to Co. K, Mozart Regiment, June 3, 1863, and to Veteran 
Reserve Corps, July 1, 1863. 

ROSTER. 287 

128. BAURMANN, GUSTAV. Age 31 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mus- 
tered in, Dec. 26, 1861, as Private in Co. G, 55th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 21, 

1862, to Co. I, 38th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. E, Mozart Regiment, June 3, 1863. Re- 
enlisted as a veteran, Dec. 29, 1863, and discharged Dec. 28, 1864. 

129. BAXTER, GEORGE. Age 20 years. Enlisted in Syracuse, and mustered 
in, Oct. 4, 1863, as Private in Co. H. Captured, May 12, 1864, at Spottsylvania, and 
died, Jan. 1, 1865, in prison, at Andersonville, Ga. 

130. BAXTER, ROBERT. Age 21 years. Enlisted in Philadelphia, and mustered 
in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Sergeant in Co. C. Promoted to First Sergeant, 
June 8, 1862, and woimded Dec. 13, 1862, at Fredericksburg. Transferred, June 6, 

1863, to Veteran Reserve Corps, and discharged June 14, 1864. Now resides in 
Philadelphia, Pa. 

131. BAYNE, ROBERT E. Age 37 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, Sept. 18, 1861, as First Sergeant in Co. D, 101st N. Y. Inf. Woimded, Sept. 1, 
1862, at Chantilly, and transferred, Dec. 24, 1862, to Co. G, 37th N. Y. Inf. Trans- 
ferred, May 29, 1863, to Co. I, Mozart Regiment, as Sergeant, and promoted to First 
Sergeant. Promoted, Oct. 18, 1863, to Second Lieutenant, and discharged Dec. 
19, 1863. Died, Oct. 23, 1899, in the National Military Home, at Milwaukee, Wis. 

132. BEAGLE, DANIEL. Age 19 years. Enlisted in Hampden, and mustered 
in, Oct. 22, 1861, as Private in Co. C, 87th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Sept. 6, 1862, to 
Co. C, Mozart Regiment, and discharged Mar. 20, 1863. 

133. BEAGLE, JACOB. Age 18 years. Enlisted in Hancock, and mustered in, 
Dec. 3, 1861, as Private in Co. F, 101st N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 24, 1862, to 
Co. F, 38th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. I, Mozart Regiment, May 29, 1863. Re-enlisted 
as a veteran, Dec. 29, 1863, and deserted, Feb. 6, 1864, while on furlough with the 

134. BEAMISH, JOHN. Age 24 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. D. Deserted, July 1, 1862, while on 
the march to Malvern Hill, Va. 

135. BEAN, JACOB. Age 24 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
June 21, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. A. Deserted, Dec. 12, 1862, near Freder- 
icksburg, Va. 

. 136. BEATTY, THOMAS. Age 18 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, Nov. 7, 1861, as Private in Co. E, 87th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Sept. 6, 1861, to 
Co. E, Mozart Regiment, and deserted, Sept. 8, 1862, in Alexandria, Va. 

137. BEATTY, WILLIAM. Age 19 years. Enlisted in Brooklyn, and mustered 
in, Oct. 21, 1861, as Private in Co. H, 87th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Sept. 6, 1862, 
to Co. H, Mozart Regiment, and re-enlisted as a veteran, Dec. 29, 1863. Promoted 
to Corporal, Apr. 15, 1864, and to Sergeant, May 5, 1864. Mustered out with the 

138. BECKER, FRANK A. Age 19 years. Enlisted in Syracuse, and mustered 
in, Nov. 28, 1861, as Corporal in Co. H, 101st N. Y. Inf. Captured on picket, June 
30, 1862, at Glendale, and paroled. Transferred, Deo. 24, 1862, to Co. H, 37th N. Y. 
Inf., and to Co. I, Mozart Regiment, May 29, 1863. Wounded, May 5, 1864, at the 
Wilderness, and mustered out with the regiment. Now residing in Kansas City, Mo. 

139. BECKER, GEORGE. Age 25 years. Enlisted at Staten Island, and mustered 
in, Aug. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. H, 55th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 21, 1862, 
to Co. H, 38th N. Y. Inf. Promoted to Sergeant, and transferred, June 3, 1863, to 
Co. A, Mozart Regiment. Woimded, July 2, 1863, at Gettysburg, Pa., and died there 
Aug. 8, 1863. 

140. BECKER, GEORGE R. Age 18 years. Enlisted in Hastings, and mustered 
in, Nov. 26, 1861, as Private in Co. C, 101st N. Y. Inf. Wounded, Sept. 1, 1862, 
at Chantilly, and transferred, Dec. 24, 1862, to Co. C, 37th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, 
May 28, 1863, to Co. K, Mozart Regiment. Captured, Dec. 3, 1863, during the Mine 
Run campaign, and died in prison at Andersonville, Ga., Jan. 1, 1865. 


141. BECKER, JOHN. Age 18 years. Enlisted in Syracuse, and mustered in, 
Nov. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. H, 101st N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 24, 1862, to 
Co. H, 37th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. I, Mozart Regiment, May 29, 1863. Mustered 
out Nov. 28, 1864. 

142. BECKER, JOHN. Age 19 years. Enlisted at Staten Island, and mustered 
in, Aug. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. H, 65th New York Inf. Transferred, Dee. 21, 1862, 
to Co. H, 38th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. A, Mozart Regiment, May 25, 1863. Promoted 
to Corporal, Aug. 10, 1863, and wounded. May 23, 1864, at North Anna River. Mus- 
tered out Aug. 28, 1864. Now resides in New York City. 

143. BECKER, JOHN. Age 40 years. Enlisted at Staten Island, and mustered 
in, Aug. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. G, 55th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 21, 1862, to 
Co. C, 38th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. D, Mozart Regiment, June 3, 1863. Re-enlisted as 
a veteran, Dec. 29, 1863, and mustered out June 27, 1865. 

144. BECKER, THOMAS. Age 26 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, Aug. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. I, 55th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 21, 1862, 
to Co. I, 38th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. E, Mozart Regiment, June 5, 1863. Mustered 
out Aug. 28, 1864. 

145. BECRAFT, ANSLAM. Age 36 years. Enlisted in Goshen, and mustered in, 
Sept. 20, 1864, as Private in Co. G, for one year. Died of disease. Mar. 25, 1865, at 
City Pomt, Va. 

146. BECRAFT, DUBOIS. Age 23 years. Enlisted in Suffem, and mustered in, 
Aug. 20, 1861, as Private in Co. E, 74th N. Y. Inf. Re-enlisted as a veteran, and trans- 
ferred to Co. G, Mozart Regiment, July 27, 1864. Killed in action, Oct. 11, 1864, 
near Petersburg. Buried there in the National Cemetery. 

147. BELL, DAVID. Age 22 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
June 26, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. I. Wounded, Dec. 13, 1862, at Freder- 
icksburg, and died of his wound same day. 

148. BELL, JOHN. Age 18 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered In, 
June 21, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. G. Killed in action, Dec. 13, 1862, at 
Fredericksburg, Va. 

149. BENDER, EDWARD. Age 27 years. Enlisted in Alexandria, Va., and 
mustered in, Aug. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. F. Promoted to Corporal and wounded. 
May 5, 1862, at Williamsburg. Discharged for disability caused by his wound, 
Nov. 30, 1862. 

160. BENDER, SAMUEL. Age 25 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. F. Wounded, May 5, 1862, at Wil- 
liamsburg, and discharged for disability caused by his wounds, Sept. 19, 1862. 

151. BENJAMIN, CHARLES F. Age 19 years. Enlisted at Stat. Is., and mus- 
tered in, Aug. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. G, 55th N. Y. Inf. Wounded, May 31, 1862, 
at Fair Oaks. Transferred, Dec. 21, 1862, to Co. G, 38th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. E, 
Mozart Regiment, June 6, 1863. Promoted to Sergeant, Dec. 7, 1863, and mustered 
out Aug. 27, 1864. Last known address was Washington, D. C. 

162. BENNETT, EDWARD F. Age 33 years. Enlisted in N. Y. Oty, and 
mustered in. Dee. 15, 1863, as Private, but did not report for duty. 

153. BENNETT, GEORGE M. Age 27 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mus- 
tered in, June 26, 1861, at Yonkers, as Second Lieutenant in Co. I. Promoted to 
First Lieutenant, Nov. 4, 1861, and discharged Aug. 4, 1862. Last known address 
was Long Hill, Coim. 

154. BENNETT, JACOB D. Age 21 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, June 26, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. I. Promoted to Corporal, July 30, 
1861, and to Sergeant, June 16, 1862. Wounded, Sept. 1, 1862, at Chantilly, and 
promoted to Sergeant Major, Jan. 1, 1863. While absent wounded, reduced "to the 
rank of Private, and after returning to duty agiun promoted to Sergeant, Aug. 16, 
1863, and to First Sergeant, Aug. 30, 1863. Killed in action. May 6, 1864, at the 
Wilderness, Va. 

ROSTER. 289 

155. BENNETT, WILLIAM H. Age 19 years. Enlisted in Jamaica, Long 
Island, and mustered in, July 1, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. I. Promoted to 
Corporal, Nov. 1, 1862, and to Sergeant, Apr. 1, 1863. Discharged Feb. 16, 1864. 
Now resides in Jamaica, N. Y. See portrait. 

156. BENNETT, WILLIAM H. Age 27 years. Enlisted in Oyster Bay, Long 
Island, and mustered in, Aug. 20, 1862, as Private in Co. C, 74th N. Y. Inf. Trans- 
ferred, July 27, 1864, to Co. G, Mozart Regiment, and mustered out June 1, 1865. 

157. BENSON, WILLIAM. Age 30 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. D. Deserted, July 1, 1862, while 
marching to Malvern HiU. 

158. BERGER, WILLIAM H. Age 19 years. Enlisted in Philadelphia, Pa., and 
mustered in, June 21, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. A. Mustered out June 26, 
1864. Now resides in Merrifield, Va. See portrait. 

159. BERGSTRESSER, GEORGE. Age 19 years. Enlisted in Jamaica, Long 
Island, and mustered in, Feb. 10, 1865, for one year, as Private in Co. G. Mustered 
out June 10, 1865. Now serving in the National Military Home at Los Angeles, 

160. BERGTJER, EMILE. Age 19 years. Enlisted at Staten Island, and mustered 
in, as Private in Co. I, 55th N.Y.Inf. Transferred, Dec. 21, 1862, to Co.I,38thN. Y. 
Inf., and to Co. H, Mozart Regiment, Jvme 3, 1863, but did not report for duty. 

161. BERNE, BENJAMIN. Age 23 years. Enlisted at Staten Island, and mustered 
in, Aug. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. H, 55th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 21, 1862, to 
Co. H, 38th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. B, Mozart Regiment, Jan. 2, 1865. Mustered out 
July 10, 1865. 

162. BBRNHARD, RUFUS J. Age 30 years. Enlisted in Syracuse, and mustered 
in, Nov. 2, 1861, as Private in Co. 1, 101st N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 24, 1862, to 
Co. D, 37th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. K, Mozart Regiment, May 28, 1863. Wounded, 
May 6, 1864, at the Wilderness, and mustered out Oct. 25, 1864. Last known 
address was Jordan, N. Y. 

163. BERNHARDT, JOHN. Age 21 years. Enlisted at Staten Island, and mustered 
in, Aug. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. H, 55th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 21, 1862, 
to Co. H, 38th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. A, Mozart Regiment, Jime 3, 1863. Captured, 
May 6, 1864, at the Wilderness, and escaped. Returned to duty and again captured, 
Aug. 20, 1864, at the Weldon Railroad. Paroled and mustered out Jan. 30, 1865. 

164. BERRIGAN, DENNIS. Age 26 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in. Mar. 25, 1864, as Private in Co. H. Mustered out with the regiment. Now resid- 
ing in Albany, N. Y. 

165. BERRY, JOHN. Age 21 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. E. Deserted Sept. 8, 1862. 

166. BERRY, WILLIAM. Age 32 years. Enlisted in Avon, and mustered in, 
June 21, 1861, at Yonkers, as Corporal in Co. A. Re-enlisted as a veteran, Dec. 29, 

1863, and mustered out with the regiment. 

167. BERRY, WILLIAM H. Age 23 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mus- 
tered in, June 30, 1861, as Corporal in Co. C, 74th N. Y. Inf. Re-enlisted June 13, 

1864, and transferred to Co. G, Mozart Regiment, July 27, 1864. Promoted to 
Sergeant, Sept. 2, 1864, and killed in action, Oct. 8, 1864, near Petersburg, Va. 

168. BERTRAND, NAPOLEON. Age 25 years. Enlisted in Syracuse, and mus- 
tered in, Feb. 4, 1865, as Private in Co. A. Mustered out with the regiment. 

169. BESSENNE, EMILE. Age 24 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, Aug. 28, 1861, aa Private in Co. I, 55th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 21, 1862, to 
Co. I, 38th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. E, Mozart Regiment, June 5, 1863. Re-enlisted 
as a veteran, Deo. 29, 1863, and deserted, Feb. 6, 1864, while on furlough with the 


170. BETTS, JOHN S. Age 24 yeaiB. Enlisted in N. Y. CSty, and mustered in, 
June 21, 1861, at Yonkers, as Corporal in Co. A. Wounded, July 2, 1863, at Gettys- 
burg, Fa., and again at Bartlett'a Mills, Nov. 27, 1863. Died of his wounds, Dec. 1, 

1863, in Alexandria, Va. 

171. BEURMAN, HENRY G. Age 23 years. Enlisted in Pittstown, and mus- 
tered in, June 30, 1861, as Sergeant in Co. I, 74th N. Y. Inf. Re-enlisted Jan. 14, 

1864, and transferred, July 27, 1864, to Co. C, Mozart Regiment. Promoted to First 
Sergeant, Nov. 16, 1864, and to Second Lieutenant, Dec. 1, 1864. Mustered out with 
the regiment. 

172. BICKELHAUPST, JOHN. Age 20 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mus- 
tered in, Aug. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. A, 55th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 21, 
1862, to Co. A, 38th N. Y. Inf., and to, Co. H, Mozart Regiment, June 3, 1863. Trans- 
ferred, Aug. 16, 1863, to Veteran Reserve Corps. 

173. BIEN, EPHRAIM. Enlisted as a Private in an unknown regiment and 
deserted. Reported for duty Feb. 16, 1863, and assigned to Co. C, Mozart Regi- 
ment. Mustered out with the regiment. 

174. BIERD, JOSEPH. Age 28 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
June 21, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. A. Mustered out June 26, 1864. 

175. BIGGARS, THOMAS. Age 20 years. Enlisted in Hancock, and mustered 
In, Nov. 27, 1861, as Private in Co. D, 101st N. Y. Inf. Wounded, Aug. 29, 1862, at 
Bull Run, and transferred, Dec. 24, 1862, to Co. D, 37th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, 
May 29, 1863, to Co. G, Mozart Regiment, but did not report for duty. 

176. BIGGINS, JOHN. Age 21 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
at Yonkers, June 21, 1861, as Private in Co. A. Dropped from the rolls, Nov. 12, 
1862, by order of the War Department. 

177. BINSEE, LEWIS J. Enlisted in N. Y. City, as Private in Co. G, 55th N. Y, 
Inf., and promoted to Sergeant. Transferred, Dec. 21, 1862, to Co. G, 38th N. Y. Inf., 
and to Co. E, Mozart Regiment, June 3, 1863. Reduced to Private, Oct. 1, 1863. 
Re-enUsted as a veteran, Deo. 29, 1863, and promoted to Sergeant, May 1, 1864. 
Promoted to First Sergeant, May 1, 1864, and to Second Lieutenant, July 7, 1864. 
Promoted to First Lieutenant, Sept. 15, 1864, and to Captain, Deo. 21, 1864. Mus- 
tered out with the regiment. Last known address was N. Y. City. 

178. BIRD, CHARLES. Age 19 years. Enlisted in Watertown, and mustered 
in, Feb. 15, 1865, as Private in Co. A. Deserted, June 15, 1865, while awaiting dis- 

179. BIRD, GEORGE F. Age 22 years. Enlisted in Syracuse, and mustered in, 
Jan. 20, 1864, as Private in Co. C, but did not report for duty. 

180. BISBEE, OLIVER H. Age 29 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mus- 
tered in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Corporal in Co. F. Killed in action, June 1, 

1862, at Fair Oaks. 

181. BITTLE, CHARLES W. Age 22 years. Enlisted in PhUadelphia, and 
mustered m, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. D. Wounded, May 12, 
1864, at Spottsylvania, and discharged for disability caused by his wound, Jime 26, 

182. BLACK, ROBERT. Age 37 years. EnlUted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
■ m, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. C. Died of disease, Nov. 4 1861 in 

Alexandria. ' ' 

183. BLACKSTEIN, FREDERICK. Age unknown. Enlisted at Staten Island, 
and mustered in, Aug. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. E, 55th N. Y. Inf. Transferred 
Dec. 21, 1862, to Co. E, 38th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. A, Mozart Regiment, June s' 

1863. Killed in action, July 2, 1863, at Gettysburg and buried there. 

184. BLACKSTOCK, DAVID E. Age 23 years. Enlisted in SaUsbury, Mass 
and mustered in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. B. Wounded Sept' 
1, 1862, at ChantiUy, and transferred, Aug. 12, 1863, to Veteran Reserve Corps' Dis^ 
charged Aug. 1, 1865. Now resides in Amesbury, Mass. See portrait. 

ROSTER. 291 

185. BLAKE, JOHN. Age 19 years. Enlisted in Lawrence, Mass., and mustered 
in, June 27, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. K. Deserted, Oct. 29, 1862, at White's 
Ford, Va. 

186. BLAKE, RICHARD. Age 21 years. Enlisted in Lawrence, Mass., and 
mustered in, Jvme 27, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. K. Deserted, Sept. 7, 
1862, at Alexandria, Va. 

187. BLAKESLEE, ANDREW. Age 18 years. Enlisted in Kingston, and mus- 
tered in, Feb. 4, 1865, as Private in Co. G. Mustered out with the regiment. 

188. BLENKER, HENRY. Age 18 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, Aug. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. H, 56th N. Y. Inf. Transferred to Co. H, 38th 
N. Y. Inf., Dec. 21, 1862, and June 3, 1863, to Co. H, Mozart Regiment. Wounded, 
July 2, 1863, at Gettysburg, Pa., and mustered out Aug. 28, 1864. 

189. BLINNS, WILLIAM S. Age 24 years. Enlisted in Palmyra, and mus- 
tered in, Nov. 12, 1863, as Private in Co. H. Killed in action, May 5, 1864, at the 
Wilderness, and buried in the National Cemetery at Fredericksburg. 

190. BLISS, FREDERICK E. Age 32 years. Mustered in, July 1, 1861, at 
Yonkers, as Regimental Quartermaster. Discharged, June 26, 1862, for promotion 
to Captain and Commissary of Subsistence. 

191. BLIZZARD, DAVID M. Age 19 years. Enlisted in Philadelphia, Pa., and 
mustered in, June 21, 1861, at Yonkers, as Corporal in Co. A. Wounded, Dec. 13, 
1862, at Fredericksburg, and discharged, Feb. 17, 1864, for disability caused by his 

192. BLOOD, LUCIUS. Age 27 years. Enlisted in Milford, Mass., and mustered 
in, June 27, 1861, at Yonkers, as Sergeant in Co. H. Transferred, July 1, 1861, to 
Co. G, as Corporal. Wounded, May 5, 1862, at Williamsburg, and promoted to 
Sergeant, Dec. 1, 1862. Mustered out June 27, 1864. Died, May 20, 1898, in the 
National Military Home at Togus, Me. 

193. BLUMSTEIN, HENRY. Age 19 years. Enlisted m N. Y. City, Aug. 28, 

1861, as Private in Co. B, 5Sth N. Y. Inf., and transferred, Dec. 21, 1862, to Co. H, 
38th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, June 3, 1863, to Co. A, Mozart Regiment. Re-enlisted 
as a veteran, Dec. 29, 1863, and mustered out Jan. 23, 1865. 

194. BOARDMAN, JOHN. Age 35 years. Enlisted in Kirkville, and mustered 
in, Nov. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. K, 101st N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 24, 1862, 
to Co. K, 37th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. I, Mozart Regiment, May 29, 1863. Wounded, 
May 5, 1864, at the Wilderness, and mustered out Nov. 27, 1864. Now serving in 
the Military Home at Hot Springs, South Dakota. 

195. BODOND, FRANCIS. Age 32 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mus- 
tered in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. E. Discharged Mar. 28, 1863, 

196. BOEHM, GEORGE F. Age 18 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mus- 
tered in, Sept. 20, 1861, as Private in Co. B, 101st N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 24. 

1862, to Co. B, 37th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. E, Mozart Regiment, May 28, 1863. Re- 
enlisted as a veteran, Dec. 29, 1863, and mustered out with the regiment. 

197. BOELL, HENRY P. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, Dec. 17, 1861, 
as Private in Co. E, S5th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 21, 1862, to Co. G, 38th N. Y. 
Inf., and to Co. E, Mozart Regiment, June 5, 1863. Re-enlisted as a veteran, Feb. 
29, 1864. Promoted to Corporal, Nov. 1, 1864, and to Sergeant, Mar. 7, 1865. Mus- 
tered out with the regiment. Now resides in Brooklyn, N. Y. 

198. BOGART, PETER. Age 34 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, Sept. 4, 1862, as Private in Co. I, 55th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 21, 1862, to 
Co. E, 38th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. F, Mozart Regiment, June 3, 1863. Mustered out 
with the regiment. 

199. BOGGS, MAXWELL MoD. Age 34 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and 
mustered in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. D. Discharged Apr. 25, 


200. BOILEAN, HERMAN. Enlisted in N. Y. aty, and mustered in, Oct. 31, 
1862, as Sergeant in Co. I, 74th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, July 27, 1864, to Co. G, 
Mozart Regiment, and discharged Oct. 7, 1864, as Supernumerary. 

201. BOLARI, LOUIS. Age 22 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
Dec. 21, 1861, as Musician in Co. H, 55th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 21, 1862, 
to Co. I, 38th N. Y. Inf., and as Private to C6. I, Mozart Regiment, June 3, 1863. 
Re-enlisted as a veteran, Dec. 29, 1863, and mustered out with the regiment. 

202. BOLLES, JOHN. Age 22 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
Dec. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. I, 74th N. Y. Inf. Re-enlisted as a veteran, Dec. 
29, 1863, and transferred to Co. G, Mozart Regiment, July 27, 1864. Captured near 
Petersburg and paroled. Mustered out with the regiment. 

203. BONIFANT, HENRY W. Age 38 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mus- 
tered in, Jime 27, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. H. Deserted, July 3, 1861, from 
Camp Wood. 

204. BONNEY, JAMES. Age 18 years. Enlisted in Liberty, and mustered in, 
Oct. 26, 1861, as Private in Co. B, 87th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Sept. 6, 1862, to 
Co. C, Mozart Regiment, and mustered out, Oct. 22, 1864. 

205. BONSTADT, GUSTAVE. Age 28 years. Enlisted in Elmira, and mustered 
in, Feb. 2, 1864. Transferred, Apr. 1, 1865, to Veteran Reserve Corps. Died, Sept. 

20, 1887, in the National Military Home at Hampton, Va., and buried there in the 
National Cemetery. 

206. BONVALLET, LAURENT. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, Aug. 
28, 1861, as Private in Co. F, 55th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 21, 1862, to Co. H, 
38th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. A, Mozart Regiment, June 3, 1863. Discharged Oct. 
16, 1864. 

207. BOODY, ROBERT M. Age 23 years. Enlisted in Amesbury, Mass., and 
mustered in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. B. Promoted to Corporal, 
Apr. 9, 1862, and to Sergeant, May 16, 1862. Slightly wounded, June 1, 1862, at 
Fair Oaks and promoted to First Sergeant. Promoted to Second Lieutenant, June 
5, 1863, and to First Lieutenant, June 6, 1S63. Severely wounded, July 2, 1863, at 
Gettysburg, Pa., and again, Nov. 26, 1863, at Locust Grove was dangerously wounded. 
Slightly wounded. May 12, 1864, at Spottsylvania. Mustered out, July 11, 1864, 
after commanding the company for several months. Now resides in Haverhill, 

208. BOOTH, AARON. Age 21 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
Sept. 27, 1861, as Private in Co. A, 101st N. Y. Inf. Promoted to Corporal and 
declined to serve. Transferred, Dec. 24, 1862, to Co. B, 37th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. 
K, Mozart Regiment, May 28, 1863. Wounded, July 2, 1863, at Gettysburg, Pa. 
Re-enlisted as a veteran, Dec. 29, 1863, and transferred, July 6, 1864, to the 1st N. Y. 

209. BOOTH, HARRISON. Age 20 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mus- 
tered in, June 27, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. H. Wounded, Sept. 1, 1862, 
at Chantilly, and discharged, Aug. 2, 1863, for loss of right leg. Died in Philadelphia, 
Pa., Aug. 16, 1894. 

210. BORMAN, FREDERICK. Age 22 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mus- 
tered in, June 27, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. K. Promoted to Sergeant. 
Jan. 13, 1863, and reduced to Corporal, May 25, 1863. Mustered out June 26, 1864, 

211. BOTTICHER, PATRICK. Age 17 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and 
mustered in, June 21, 1861, as Musician in Co. G. Deserted same date. 

212. BOULANGER, FREDERICK. Age 23 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and 
mustered in, Aug. 18, 1862, as Private in Co. H, 55th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Deo 

21, 1862, to Co. E, 38th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. C, Mozart Regiment, June 3,'l863! 
Captured, Sept. 27, 1863, at Culpeper, and returned to duty Nov. 20, 1863. Re^ 
enlisted as a veteran, Dec. 29, 1863, and deserted Feb. 14, 1864, while on furlough 
with the regiment. 

ROSTER. 293 

213. BOULTON, GEORGE J. Age 19 years. Enlisted in N. Y. CSty, and mus- 
tered in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. D. Died of disease, Deo. 30, 
1862, in Pliiladelphia, Pa. 

214. BOWERS, FRANCIS. Age 34 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mus- 
tered in, June 26, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. I. Discharged Feb. 10, 

215. BOWERS, WILLIAM. Age 34 years. Enlisted in Norwich, and mustered 
in, Dec. 27, 1861, as Private in Co. E, 101st N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 24, 1862, 
to Co. E, 37tli N. Y. Inf., and to Co. K, Mozart Regiment, May 29, 1863, but did not 
report for duty. 

216. BOWKER, ORRIN. Age 23 years. Enlisted, Mar. 2, 1862, as Private in 
Co. E, 37th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, May 29, 1863, to Co. E, Mozart Regiment, and 
re-enlisted as a veteran, Dec. 29, 1863. Deserted, Feb. 6, 1864, while on furlough 
with the regiment. 

217. BOYCE, ERNEST. Age 19 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, Aug. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. H, S5th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 21, 1862, 
to Co. H, 38th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. A, Mozart Regiment, June 3, 1863. Captured, 
June 12, 1864, and returned to duty, Aug. 6, 1864. Mustered out Oct. 11, 1864. 

218. BOYCE, THOMAS J. Age 23 years. Enlisted m N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. C. Captured, Aug. 29, 1862, at Bull 
Run and paroled. Deserted, Oct. 9, 1862, from Camp Wallace, Ohio, while under 
parole. . 

219. BOYD, JOSEPH G. Age 44 years. Enlisted in Flushing, and mustered in, 
Sept. 6, 1862, as Private in Co. C, 74th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, July 27, 1864, to Co. 
G, Mozart Regiment, and mustered out June 27, 1865. 

220. BOYD, REUBEN. Age 18 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
Sept. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. A, 101st N. Y. Inf. Captured, Aug. 30, 186^, at 
Bull Run, and transferred, Dec. 24, 1862, while a prisoner, to Co. E, 37th N. Y. Inf. 
Returned to duty and transferred. May 29, 1863, to Co. K, Mozart Regiment. Re- 
enlisted as a veteran, Dec. 29, 1863, and killed Oct. 14, 1864, while on picket in front of 
Petersburg, Va. Buried there in the National Cemetery. 

221. BOYLAN, THOMAS. Age 44 years. Enlisted in Utica, and mustered in, 
Dec. 3, 1861, as Private in Co. B, 101st N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 24, 1862, to 
Co. F, 37th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. I, Mozart Regiment, May 29, 1863. Transferred, 
Nov. 5, 1863, to Veteran Reserve Corps, and discharged Mar. 14, 1864. 

222. BOYLAND, JAMES. Age 20 years. Enlisted in Goshen, and mustered in, 
Feb. IS, 1865, as Private in Co. C. Mustered out June 9, 1865. 

223. BOYLAND, PETER. Age 32 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in. Mar. 16, 1863, as Private in Co. G. Promoted to Corporal, and died, date unknown, 
near Petersburg. Buried in the National Cemetery at City Point, Va. 

224. BOYLE, CHARLES. Age 30 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. C. Promoted to Corporal, and killed 
in action, June 1, 1862, at Fair Oaks, Va. 

225. BOYLE, THOMAS J. Age 22 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. C. Wounded, July 1, 1862, at Malvern 
Hill, and died of his wound, Aug. 7, 1862, in Alexandria, Va. 

226. BOYLE, WILLIAM. Age 21 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. C. Died of disease, Dec. 6, 1861, in 
Alexandria, Va. 

227. BOYLE, WILLIAM. Age 22 years. Enlisted in Goshen, and mustered in, 
Feb. 9, 1865, as Private in Co. B. Mustered out June 1, 1865. 

228. BOYLEN, OWEN. Age 42 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
Sept. 12, 1861, as Private in Co. H. Discharged for disability, Sept. 6, 1862, in Phila- 
delphia, Pa. 


229. BOYLEN, PHILIP. Age 22 yearn. Enlisted in N. Y. CSty, and mustered in, 
June 26, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. I. Deserted, Aug. 31, 1861, in Alexan- 
dria, Va. 

230. BRADBURY, WILLIAM H. H. Age 21 years. Enlisted in Newburyport, 
Mass., and mustfered in, June 21, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. G. Discharged 
for mental disability. Mar. 28, 1862, from the Insane Asylum in Washington, D. C. 
He became a clerg3Tnan, and his last known address was Philadelphia, Pa. Efforts to 
communicate with him have been unsuccessful. 

231. BRADLEY, ELEAZER. Age 22 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mus- 
tered in, June 26, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. I. Re-enlisted as a veteran, 
Dec. 29, 1863, and deserted, Feb. 7, 1864, while on furlough with the regiment. 

232. BRADLEY, JOHN. Age 22 years. Enlisted in Philadelphia, Pa., and mus- 
tered in, Feb. 15, 1865, as Private, but did not report for duty. 

233. BRADLEY, JOHN E. Age 22 years. Enlisted in Philadelphia, Pa., and 
mustered in, Jime 26, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. I. Discharged, Aug. 1, 
1862, at Harrison's Landing, Va. His last known address was Philadelphia, Pa. 

234. BRADY, JOHN. Age 23 years. Enlisted in Avon, and mustered in, Sept. 14, 
1864, as Private for one year, but did not report for duty. 

235. BRADY, JOHN. Age 18 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
Oct. 21, 1861, as Private in Co. H, 87th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Sept. 27, 1862, to Co. 
H, Mozart Regiment, and re-enlisted as a veteran, Dec. 29, 1863. Deserted, Feb. 6, 
1864, while on furlough with the regiment. 

236. BRADY, TERENCE. Age 40 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, June 26, 1861, at Yonkers, as Sergeant in Co. I. Wounded, July 2, 1863, at 
Gettysburg, and discharged for disabiUty caused by his wound, Sept. 2, 1863. 

237. BRANAGAN, JAMES. Age 22 years. Enlisted in N. Y. aty, and mustered 
in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. D. Discharged, Jan. 24, 1863, in 
Annapolis, Md. 

238. BRANAN, JOSEPH. Age 23 years. Enlisted in Utica, and mustered in, 
Deo. 16, 1862, as Private in Co. G. Died of disease, Feb. 4, 1865, at City Point, Va., 
and buried there in the National Cemetery. 

239. BRANDHORST, FERDINANi). Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
Aug. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. H, 55th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 21, 1862, to 
Co. H, 38th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. A, Mozart Regiment, Jime 3, 1863. Captured at 
Auburn, Va., Oct. 13, 1863, and paroled Mar. 4, 1865. Mustered out Mar. 30, 

240. BRANIGAN, FELIX. Age 22 years. Enlisted in Pittstown, and mustered 
in, July 18, 1861, as Corporal in Co. F, 74th N. Y. Inf. Promoted to First Sergeant 
and re-enlisted as a veteran. Transferred, July 27, 1864, to Co. G, Mozart Regiment, 
and discharged, Dec. 3, 1864, to accept promotion as Second Lieutenant, in 32d U. S. 
Colored troops. He holds a Medal of Honor, awarded by Congress, for special bravery. 

241. BRANNON, DENNIS. Age 21 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. F. Mustered out June 26, 1864. 

242. BRANT, BRITTON. Age 42 years. EnUsted in N. Y. aty, and mustered 
in, Nov. 2, 1861, as Private in Co. F, 87th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Sept. 6, 1862, to 
Co. F, Mozart Regiment, and wounded, July 2, 1863, at Gettysburg. Transferred, 
Nov. 27, 1863, to Veteran Reserve Corps. 

243. BRANT, WILLIAM. Age 18 years. Enlisted in Brooklyn, and mustered in, 
Feb. 7, 1865, as Private in Co. A. Mustered out with the regiment. 

244. BRAUS, CLEMENT. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, Aug. 28, 
1861, as Private in Co. G, 55th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Deo. 21, 1862, to Co. I, 38th 
N. Y. Inf., and to Co. E, Mozart Regiment, June 5, 1863. Wounded, July 2, 1863 
at Gettysburg, and mustered out Avig. 28, 1864. 

ROSTER. 295 

245. BRAY, JOSEPH. Age 27 years. Enlisted in N. Y. CSty, and mustered in, 
Nov. 23, 1861, as Private in Co. D, 101st N. Y. Inf. Promoted to Corporal, but 
declined to serve. Woimded, Sept. 1, 1862, at Chantilly, and transferred, Dec. 24, 
1862, to Co. G, 37th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, May 29, 1863, to Co. I, Mozart Regiment, 
and re-enlisted as a veteran, Dec. 29, 1863. Mustered out with the regiment. Died 
Feb. 3, 1876, and buried in the National Cemetery at Cypress HUls, N. Y. City. 

246. BRECHT, LEOPOLD. Age 21 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in. Mar. 28, 1861, as Corporal in Co. H, 55th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Deo. 21, 1862, 
to Co. H, 38th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. A, Mozart Regiment, June 3, 1863. Mustered 
out Aug. 28, 1864. 

247. BREMAN, THOMAS. Age 30 years. Enlisted in Watertown, and mustered 
in, Feb. 2, 1865, as Private in Co. B. Mustered out July 7, 1865, at Hart's Island, 
N. Y. Harbor. 

248. BRENNAN, CHARLES. Age 20 years. Enlisted in Williamstown, and 
mustered in, Oct. 6, 1861, as Private in Co. F, 87th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Sept. 6, 
1862, to Co. K, Mozart Regiment, and wounded, Dec. 13, 1862, at Fredericksburg. 
Re-enlisted as a veteran. May 25, 1863, and killed in action, Oct. 2, 1864, near Peters- 
burg, Va. 

249. BRENNAN, PETER. Age 36 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, Nov. 13, 1861, as Private in Co. H, 87th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Sept. 6, 1862, to 
Co. H, Mozart Regiment, and killed in action, Sept. 12, 1864, near Petersburg. Buried 
there in the National Cemetery. 

250. BRESLIN, THOMAS. Age 18 years. Enlisted in Arlington, Mass., and 
mustered in, June 27, 1861, at Yonkers, as Corporal in Co. H. Wounded, June 1, 

1862, at Fair Oaks, and promoted to Sergeant, Feb. 15, 1863. Wounded, July 2, 

1863, at Gettysburg, and mustered out June 27, 1864. Now resides in Chelsea, 
Mass., and has charge of the grounds of the Military Home in that city. 

251. BRESON, NELSON. Age 25 years. Enlisted in Plattsburg, and mustered 
in, Feb. 13, 1865, as Private in Co. B, for two years. Mustered out with the regiment. 

252. BRICHER, WILLIAM H. Age 20 years. Enlisted in Newburyport, Mass., 
and mustered in, June 14, 1861, as Private in Co. B. Captured, May 3, 1863, at 
ChancellorsviUe, and imprisoned in Richmond, Va. Exchanged and re-enlisted as a 
veteran, Dec. 29, 1863. Killed in action. May 12, 1864, at Spottsylvania, Va. 

253. BRIEN, JOHN. Age 38 years. Enlisted in Auburn, and mustered in, Feb. 
5, 1865, as Private, but did not report for duty. 

254. BRIGGS, JAMES. Age 24 years. Enlisted in WiUiamsburg, and mustered 
in, Sept. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. K, 87th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Sept. 6, 1862, to 
Co. K, Mozart Regiment, and deserted, Sept. 16, 1862, in Alexandria, Va. 

255. BRIMLOW, WILLIAM. Age 35 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, Nov. 11, 1861, as Private in Co. F, 87th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Sept. 6, 1862, to 
Co. F, Mozart Regiment, and died of disease, Jan. 25, 1863, in Alexandria, Va. 

256. BRISCOE, JOSEPH C. Age 26 years. Mustered in, Oct. 29, 1863, as Captain 
of Co. A, and mustered out, Oct. 2, 1864, for promotion to Colonel of a Pennsylvania 

257. BRITSCH, WILLIAM. Age 21 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, Aug. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. H, 55th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dee. 21, 1862, 
to Co. H, 38th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. A, Mozart Regiment, June 3, 1863. Mustered out 
Aug. 28, 1864. Died, Apr. 28, 1892, in the National Military Home at Togus, Me. 

258. BRITTON, JOHN. Age 20 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
June 25, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. F. Mustered out June 26, 1864. 

259. BROCKMAN, GEORGE L. Age 18 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mus- 
tered in, Sept. 23, 1861, as Private in Co. A, 101st N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 24, 
1862, to Co. B, 37th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. K, Mozart Regiment, May 28, 1863. Deserted, 
June 8, 1864. 


260. BRODIE, WILLIAM W. Age 16 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, June 26, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. I. Wounded, June 30, 1862, at White 
Oak Swamp Bridge, and discharged, Aug. 6, 1862, for disability caused by his wound. 
Died in Brooklyn, N. Y., July 18, 1906, and buried there in Greenwood Cemetery. 

261. BRODY, JOHN. Age 24 years. Enlisted in Westfield, and mustered in, 
Feb. 6, 1865, as Private in Co. A. Deserted May 25, 1865. 

262. BROOKS, CHARLES R. Age 21 years. Enlisted in Hancock, and mustered 
in, Jan. 16, 1862, as Private in Co. G, 101st N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Deo. 24, 1862, to 
Co. A, 37th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. K, Mozart Regiment, May 28, 1863. Re-enlisted 
as a veteran, Jan. 18, 1864, and mustered out with the regiment. 

263. BROOKS, HENRY 0. Age 23 years. Enlisted in Williamsburg, and mus- 
tered in, Sept. 28, 1861, as Corporal in Co. I, 87th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Sept. 6, 
1862, to Co. I, Mozart Regiment, and promoted to Sergeant. Wovmded, Dec. 13, 
1862, at Fredericksburg. Reduced to Private while woimded in hospital, and returned 
to duty. Re-enlisted as a veteran, Feb. 25, 1864, and killed in action, May 5, 1864, 
at the Wilderness, Va. 

264. BROPHY, TIMOTHY. Age 19 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mus- 
tered in, Dec. 14, 1861, as Private in Co. F, 87th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Sept. 6, 
1862, to Co. A, Mozart Regiment, and promoted to Drummer, Apr. 1, 1863. Re- 
enlisted as a veteran, Deo. 29, 1863, and deserted, Feb. 7, 1864, while on furlough 
with the regiment. 

265. BROPHY, WILLIAM. Age 23 years. Enlisted in TJtica, and mustered 
in, Feb. 7, 1865, as Private in Co. A. Deserted, Jiine 6, 1865, while awaiting dis- 

266. BROUGHTON, JOSEPH A. Age 24 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and 
mustered in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. E. Deserted, Jan. 30, 1862, 
in Alexandria, Va. 

267. BROUGIER, GUSTAVE. Age 20 years. Enlisted in Troy, and mustered 
in, Feb. 8, 1865, as Private in Co. A. Mustered out with the regiment. 

268. BROWER, DAVID. Age 21 years. Enlisted in Taughannoc, and mustered 
in, Jan. 21, 1865, as Private in Co. C. Deserted, Feb. 3, 1865, near Petersburg, Va. 

269. BROWN, ABRAHAM. Age 24 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mus- 
tered in, Sept. 20, 1861, as Private in Co. A, 101st N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 24, 
1862, to Co. B, 37th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. K, Mozart Regiment, May 28, 1863. Mus- 
tered out Sept. 20, 1864. Last known address was West Brookville, N. Y. 

270. BROWN, CHARLES. Age 25 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, June 21, 1861, at Yonkers, as Sergeant in Co. A. Reduced to Private, Sept. 30, 

1861, and deserted Oct. 28, 1861. 

271. BROWN, EDWARD. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, Aug. 28, 

1862, as Private in Co. H, 55th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Deo. 21, 1862, to Co. H, 
38th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. A, Mozart Regiment, Jime 3, 1863. Re-enlisted as a 
veteran, Deo. 29, 1863, and mustered out Jime 1 , 1865. Now resides in New York City. 

272. BROWN, EDWARD C. Age 19 years. Enlisted in N. Y. Gty, and mus- 
tered in, Aug. 23, 1862, as Private in Co. C. Discharged June 1, 1865. 

273. BROWN, EDWARD H. Age 24 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mus- 
tered in, June 27, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. H. Discharged Oct. 21, 1861. 

274. BROWN, FRANK. Enlisted in Lawrence, Mass., and mustered in, June 27, 
1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. K. Promoted to Sergeant, Mar. 3, 1863, and 
captured. May 2, 1863, at Chancellorsville. Returned to duty. Mar. 16, 1864, and 
mustered out June 26, 1864. Last known address was New York City. 

275. BROWN, FREDERICK. Age 30 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mus- 
tered in, Feb. 16, 1865, as Private in Co. B. Wounded, Apr. 6, 1865, at Sailor's 
Creek, and discharged for disability caused by his wound, June 9, 1865. 

ROSTER. 297 

276. BROWN, GEORGE. Age 21 years. Enlisted in N. Y. CSty, and mustered 
in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. F. Dropped from the rolls, Nov. 
12, 1862, by order of the War Department. 

277. BROWN, GEORGE. Age 26 years. Enlisted in Jamaica, and mustered in, 
Feb. 8, 1865, as Private In Co. B, for one year. Wounded, Apr. 6, 1865, at Sailor's 
Creek, and discharged for disability caused by his wound, June 12, 1865. 

278. BROWN, HENRY. Age 26 years. Enlisted in Portland, and mustered in, 
Feb. 4, 1865, as Private in Co. A. Mustered out with the regiment. 

279. BROWN, HENRY. Age 30 years. Enlisted in N. Y. aty, and mustered 
in, Aug. 5, 1862, as Private in Co. C, 74th N. Y. Inf. Wounded, May 6, 1864, at the 
Wilderness, and transferred, July 27, 1864, to Co. G, Mozart Regiment. Trans- 
ferred, Jan. 25, 1865, to Veteran Reserve Corps. 

280. BROWN, HENRY M. Age 28 years. Enlisted in Amesbury, Mass., and 
mustered in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Corporal in Co. B. Promoted to Ser- 
geant and discharged May 21, 1863. 

281. BROWN, JOHN. Age 22 years. Enlisted in N. Y. aty, and mustered in, 
Aug. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. H, S5th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 21, 1862, to 
Co. H, 38th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. A, Mozart Regiment, Jime 3, 1863. Mustered out 
Aug. 28, 1864. Died, Oct. 10, 1899, in the National Military Home at Hampton, 

282. BROWN, JOHN. Age 27 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. F. Discharged Apr. 22, 1862. 

283. BROWN, JOHN. Age 26 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
June 26, 1861, at Yonkers, as Corporal in Co. I. Mustered out June 26, 1864. 

284. BROWN, JOHN T. Age 25 years. Enlisted in Newburyport, Mass., and 
mustered in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Second Lieutenant of Co. B. Resigned 
Sept. 3, 1861. Last known address was Bradford, Mass. 

285. BROWN, JOSEPH. Age 20 years. Enhsted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. F. Wounded, Sept. 1, 1862, at Chan- 
tilly, and transferred, Jan. 2, 1863, to U. S. Artillery. 

286. BROWN, JOSEPH. Age 23 years. EnUsted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, Sept. 20, 1861, as Private in Co. A, 101st N. Y. Inf. Promoted to Sergeant, Aug. 
1, 1862, and captured, Dec. 13, 1862, at Fredericksburg. Transferred, Dec. 24, 1862, 
while a prisoner, to Co. I, 37th N. Y. Inf., and returned to duty, Jan. 6, 1863, with 
loss of rank. Transferred to Co. K, Mozart Regiment, May 29, 1863. Wounded, 
May 12, 1864, at Spottsylvania, and mustered out Sept. 17, 1864. 

287. BROWN, THOMAS. Age 18 years. EnUsted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in. Mar. 25, 1865, as Private in Co. F, for two years. Mustered out May 31, 1865. 

288. BROWN, WILLIAM. Age 26 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, June 21, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. A. Discharged Jan. 11, 1862. 

289. BROWN, WILLIAM. Age 28 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, June 26, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. I. Disctiarged Oct. 21, 1861. 

290. BROWN, WILLIAM. Age 35 years. Enlisted in Brooklyn, and mustered 
in, Oct. IS, 1861, as Private in Co. H, 87th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Sept. 6, 1862, 
to Co. H, Mozart Regiment, and re-enlisted as a veteran, Dec. 29, 1863. Mustered 
out with the regiment. 

291. BROWN, WILLIAM. Age 23 years. Enlisted in Tidioute, Pa., and mus- 
tered in, Aug. 20, 1861, as Corporal in Co. F, 74th N. Y. Inf. Re-enlisted as a veteran, 
Oct. 3, 1863, and transferred, July 27, 1864, to Co. H, Mozart Regiment. Mustered 
out with the regiment. 

292. BROWN, WILLIAM S. Age 23 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mus- 
tered in, Nov. 18, 1861, as Private in Co. I, 74th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, July 27, 
1864, to Co. G, Mozart Regiment, and mustered out Nov. 18, 1864. 


293. BROWNLEY, JOHN. Age 28 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, Oct. 16, 1861, aa Private in Co. E, 87th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Sept. 6, 1862, to 
Co. E, Mozart Regiment, and discharged Dec. 11, 1862. 

294. BRUCE, SANFORD J. Age 22 years. Enlisted in Milford, Mass., and mus- 
tered in, June 21, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. G. Captured, Dec. 13, 1862, 
at Fredericksburg, and returned to duty, Oct. 7, 1863. Promoted to Corporal, Jan. 
1, 1864, and mustered out June 26, 1864. 

295. BRUFF, PHILIP. Age 30 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, Nov. 1, 1861, as Private in Co. E, 87th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Sept. 6, 1862, 
to Co. E, Mozart Regiment, and discharged Feb. 1, 1863. 

296. BRUNDIGE, JOHN. Age 20 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. F. Killed in action, Aug. 30, 1862, 
at Bull Run, Va. 

297. BRUSH, RICHARD J. Age 32 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and miistered 
in, Jime 26, 1861, at Yonkers, as First Sergeant of Co. I. Reduced to Private, Mar. 1, 
1862, and promoted to Sergeant, Sept. 1, 1862. Discharged, Dec. 22, 1862, to accept 
promotion in another regiment. 

298. BRUTON, ROBERT. Age 24 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, June 27, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. K. Killed in action, Deo. 13, 1862, 
at Fredericksburg, Va. 

299. BRYAN, JOHN S. Age 20 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. C. Deserted same date. 

300. BRYAN, NATHANIEL. Age 19 years. Enlisted in Brookljm, and mus- 
tered in, Sept. 22, 1864, as Private for one year, but did not report for duty. 

301. BRYSON, THOMAS. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, Apr. 15, 1862, 
as Private in Co. E, 87th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Sept. 6, 1862, to Co. E, Mozart 
Regiment, and wounded, Dec. 13, 1862, at Fredericksburg. Promoted to Sergeant, 
and mustered out, Apr. 15, 1865. Last known address was Brooklyn, N. Y. 

302. BUCHER, CHARLES. Age 20 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mus- 
tered in, Aug. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. I, 55th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 21, 
1862, to Co. I, 38th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. E, Mozart Regiment, Jime 3, 1863. Trans- 
ferred, July 10, 1863, to Veteran Reserve Corps. 

303. BUCKLEY, JOHN B. Age 17 yeara. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. F. Promoted to Musician and dis- 
charged, June 20, 1864. Now resides in Rozbury, Mass. 

304. BUDD, JOSEPH. Age 20 years. Enlisted in Tarrytown, and mustered in, 
Feb. 10, 1865, as Private, but did not report for duty. 

305. BUELL, ANDREW G. Age 19 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mus- 
tered in, Oct. 2, 1861, as Private in Co. A, 101st N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 24, 
1862, to Co. B, 37th N. Y. Inf., and wounded. May 3, 1863, at ChanoellorsviUe. Trans- 
ferred, May 28, 1863, to Co. K, Mozart Regiment. Wounded, May 12, 1864, at 
Spottsylvania, and mustered out Oct. 8, 1864. Last known address was Chapman, 

306. BUELL, ARTHUR P. Age 23 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mus- 
tered in, Oct. 2, 1861, as Private in Co. A, 87th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 24, 
1862, to Co. B, 37th N. Y. Inf., and wounded. May 5, 1863, at Chancellorsville. 
Transferred, May 28, 1863, to Co. K, Mozart Regiment, and mustered out Oct. 8, 

307. BUELL, GEORGE. Age 26 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, Oct. 2, 1861, as Private in Co. A, 101st N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Deo. 24, 1862, 
to Co. B, 37th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. K, Mozart Regiment, May 28, 1863. Re-en- 
listed as a veteran, Dec. 29, 1863, and wounded. May 12, 1864, at Spottsylvania. 
Captured same date, and died Oct. 1, 1864, in prison at Andersonville, Ga. 

ROSTER. 299 

308. BUFORD, FREDERICK B. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, Aug. 
28, 1861, as Corporal in Co. I, 55th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Deo. 21, 1862, to Co. I, 
38th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. E, Mozart Regiment, Jime 5, 1863. Re-enlisted as a 
veteran, Dec. 29, 1863, and mustered out Jan. 10, 1865. 

309. BULLIS, AVERY. Age 25 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
June 6, 1861, as Private in Co. C, 37th N. Y. Inf., and deserted. Apprehended Oct. 
16, 1863, and assigned to Co. C, Mozart Regiment. Again deserted, Apr. 10, 1864, 
near Falmouth, Ya. 

310. BUNNELL, CHARLES E. Age 29 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mus- 
tered in, Sept. 5, 1861, as Private in Co. E, 55th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Dec. 21, 
1862, to Co. I, 38th N. Y. Inf., and promoted to Corporal. Reduced to Private and 
transferred, June 3, 1863, to Co. E, Mozart Regiment. Wounded, July 2, 1863, at 
Gettysburg, and mustered out Sept. 9, 1864. 

311. BURCH, JOHN. Age 28 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. E. Mustered out June 26, 1864. 

312. BURGESS, DAVID. Age 22 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
Jime 26, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. I. Deserted July 26, 1861. 

313. BUBK, MICHAEL. Age 19 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
Nov. 2, 1861, as Private in Co. E, 87th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Sept. 6, 1862, to Co. 
E, Mozart Regiment, and died of disease, Oct. 17, 1862, at Fort Wood, N. Y. Harbor. 

314. BURK, WILLIAM. Age 21 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. E. Deserted July 26, 1861. 

315. BURKE, EDWARD. Age 26 years. Enlisted in Lawrence, Mass., and mus- 
tered in, June 27, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. K. Re-enlisted as a veteran, 
Dec. 29, 1863, and promoted to Corporal, Mar. 1, 1865. Mustered out with the regi- 
ment. Now serving m the National MiUtary Home at Togus, Me. 

316. BURKE, EDWARD. Age 28 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
Aug. 28, 1861, as Private in Co. G, 55th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, Deo. 21, 1862, to 
Co. K, 38th N. Y. Inf., and to Co. H, Mozart Regiment, Jxme 3, 1863. Re-enlisted as a 
veteran, Dec. 29, 1863, and wounded, June 18, 1864, at Petersljurg. Transferred, Jan. 
24, 1865, to Veteran Reserve Corps, and mustered out Aug. 7, 1865. 

317. BURKE, JAMES C. Age 32 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
Jime 26, 1861, at Yonkers, as Captain of Co. I. Discharged Nov. 4, 1861. 

318. BURKE, JOHN. Age 23 years. Enlisted in Miltord, Mass., and mustered in, 
June 21, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. G. Deserted, Aug. 17, 1862, while on the 
march from Harrison's Landing. 

319. BURKE, MICHAEL. Age 37 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered 
in, June 14, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. D. Died of disease, Oct. 17, 1862, at 
Fort Wood, N. Y. 

320. BURKE, NICHOLAS. Age 19 years. Enlisted in Deerfield, and mustered 
in, Deo. 14, 1861, as Private in Co. E, 101st N. Y. Inf. Captured, Jtme 30, 1862, while 
on picket at White Oak Swamp. Returned to duty and transferred, Dec. 24, 1862, to 
Co. E, 37th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, May 28, 1863, to Co. K, Mozart Regiment, and 
mustered out Dec. 12, 1864. 

321 . BURKE, WILLIAM. Age 26 years. Enlisted in Poughkeepsie, and mustered 
in, Jan. 31, 1865, as Private iu Co. A. Mustered out with the regiment. 

322. BURKMAN, HENRY. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, Oct. 31, 1862, 
as Private in Co. I, 74th N. Y. Inf. Transferred, July 27, 1864, to Co. G, Mozart 
Regiment, and mustered out with the regiment. Now serving in the National Military 
Home at Los Angeles, Cal. 

323. BURNS, JOHN. Age 37 years. Enlisted in N. Y. City, and mustered in, 
July 1, 1861, at Yonkers, as Private in Co. I. Died of disease, Oct. 18, 1862, and 
buried in the National Cemetery at Cypress Kills, N. Y.